
(Hass 
Book 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



FROr> THE 



OLD SOUTH 



ro 



THE NEW. 



HV 



JACOBUS D. DROKE, A. M. 
DEC 141895 



FROM THE 

OLD SOUTH 



TO 



THE NEW. 



BY 



JACOBUS D. DROKE, A. fl. 



COPYRIGHT 1894 BY THE AUTHOR. 



DEC 141895 



/ 



HARRIMAN, TENN. N^^WASH^?^i^ >^ 

Progress Printing Co. 
1895. 



Ul5 



'v.-. 



"A land without ruins is a land wiliiout memories. A land with- 
out memories is a land without liberty! A land that wears a hiurel 
crown may be fair to see, but twine a few Cyprus leaves around the 
brow of any land, and be that land beautiless and bleak, it becomes 
^^ lovely in its consecrated coronet of sorrow and wins the sympathy of 
the heart and history. Crowns of roses fade; crowns of thorns endure! 
Calvaries and crucifixes take deepest hold of humanity. The triumphs 
of Might are transient; they pass away and are forgotten. The suffer- 
ings of Right are graven deepest on tlie chronicles of nations. 

■ "Yes, give me a land where the ruins are spread 
And the living tread light on the hearts of tlie dead; 
Yes, give me a land that is blest by the dust 
And bright with the deeds of the downtrodden just. 
Yes, give me a land that hath legend and lays 
Enshrining the memor}'- of long vanished days- 
Yes, give me a land that hath story and song 
To tell of the strife of the right with the wrong; 
Yes, give me a land with a grave in each spot 
And names in the graves that shall not be forgot. 
Yes, give me tlie land of the wreck and the tomb; 
There's a grandeur in graves — there's a glory in gloom, 
For out of the gloom future brightness is born 
And after the night looms the sunrise of morn. 
And the graves of the dead with the grass overgrown 
May yet form the footstool of liberty's throne; 
And each single wreck in the warpath of Might 
Shall yet be a rock in the Temple of Right." 

— Father Eyan. 



The Old South. 



Amid the vicissitudes of our ever clmnging social system, m.uch 
interest still lingers around the peculiar customs and distinctive features 
which characterized the old South, The most conspicuous character 
and important factor of this period was the Southern planter. He 
owned the principal wealth, controlled the chief industries, and man- 
aged the commerce of the country. He also occupied the chief posi- 
tions of trust in the state and national governoient. He was, in every 
respect, the ruling power, the controlling element. Descending from 
the English gentry, he inherited many of the peculiar traits of his 
ancestors, which, combined with the broader ideas of his new environ- 
ments, gave to him a peculiar fitness for the position which he occu- 
pi'^d. Relieved of much of the drudgery of i>hysical toil he found 
ample time for the cultivation of ids intellectual and social faculties. 
and became distinguished for his culture and refinement. These ad- 
vantages, extending as they did through many generations, gave per- 
manence to grace and dignity, and served to outline and perpetuate the 
distinctive boundaries of caste. Although courteous and kind to all, 
regardless of condition or circumstances, he guarded the door of his so- 
cial circle with a jealous vigilance. No person was allowed to pass into 
its sacred precincts who did not, in his estimation, possess the intellec- 
tual and social fitness for tlie same. No degree of wealth or worldly 
fame could buy for its possessor a position in society to which his re- 
finement anil culture did not entitle him. Many of the slave holders, 
therefore, did not lielong to the aristocratic circle^, nor were thc}'^ ad- 
mit led within the portals of its much-coveted realm To this class be- 
longed the speculator, the slave driver and the trader. The typical 
Southern lady was in every respect the equal of her aristocratic lord. 
In literature and fine arts she was unsurpassed. She excelled in the 



— G— 
sweet, small courtesies of life which everywhere mark the perfect lady. 
Far from being the indolent creature so often presented to the 
world by those unacquainted with the facts, she was. on the contrary, 
a woman of much energy and many duties. Upon her rested, mainly, 
the burden of household economy, the training of servants and the care 
of the sick. 

The plantation home was complete in all of its appointments. The 
buildings were large and stately, with spacious rooms, wide halls and 
numerous porches. The furnishings were in keeping with the sur- 
roundings, suggestive of both elegance and comfort. The broad lawn 
was shaded by native trees and ornamented with shrubbery, vines and 
flowers In the rear of the mam building were numerous cottuges in 
which were quartered the plantation slaves. Beyond this lay the broad 
fields of the old plantation. 

THE MIDDLE CLASS. 
In every country, and under all forms of government there has 
been a class which, though destitute of wealth and social distinction, 
has nevertheless, contributtd much tx) the success of the age in winch 
they lived. Much of the glory of the illustrious, whom the world de- 
lights to honor, is due to the heroic deeds of the obscure. In the set- 
tlement of the New World the better element of this class from all 
parts of the European continent were attracted to its virgin soil and 
vast resources. This homogeneous mass was blended into a race of 
sturdy manhood which became the bone and sinew of the new repub- 
lic. Upon them the young nation relied in the dark and perilous days 
of her uncertain youtliful struggle, and in the peaceful security of riper 
years they have contributed much to her wealth and power. In the 
Northern and Eastern States, where the conditions were favorable, they 
became a great and prosperous people. By means of public education 
and other favorable insiitutions, they arose to distinction, becoming 
leaders in society and participants in the affairs of government. In 
the Southern States the conditions were quite different. Public schools 
were virtually unknown. Industry was confined principally to agri- 
culture, and cotton was the chief product. To the wealthy farmer, 



-7— 
with his broad acres, tilled by negro slaves, this industry was highly 
remunerative; but the poor man, cultivating a mere "patch." found it 
barely sufficient to meet the necessities of life. He was perhaps as 
energetic, persevering, and economic as was his neitjhbor of the North, 
but his environments rendered advancement dithcult and well-nigh im- 
possible. These conditions are not attributable either to the fault of 
the aristocrat or the failure of the laboring: class, but were the natural 
outcome of the peculiar form of government under which they lived. 
Any government in the hands of a dominant class necessarily becomes 
partial, if not arrogant. Thus, many laws of the old South were favor- 
able to the few, but oppressive to the masses From his standpoint it 
was difficult for the average politician to perceive that the common 
people were entitled to equal rights and privileges with himself, or to 
discern the importance of popular education. So, while schools, col- 
leges, and universities for the rich were numerous and well-equipped, 
little was done toward educating the masses. It was therefore pi ac 
tically impossible for many of them to obtain even an elementary edu- 
cation. Submitting to the seemingly inevitable, a majority, stifling 
their nobler ambitions, sought contentment within the narrow limits of 
their humble sphere Others, however, endowed with that indomitable 
will which cannot be daunted, stimulated by that dete mination which 
tvill achieve, even though the means are inadequate, surmounted these 
obstacles, and arose to eminence and fame, inscribing their names be- 
side their more favored brother upon the scroll of human achievement 
and national glory. 

THE LOWER CLASS. 
The world has always been burdened with a class of non-pro 
ducers. They neither add to the material prosperity of the country in 
which they reside nor contribute in any degree to the welfare of society 
in general. Upon the other hand, they are a burden to the industrious 
class and a tax upon the government. 1 do not refer to the worthy 
poor, who in every country have a just claim upon the sympathy of 
the people; but I refer to the class fitly designated the "American 
tramp." 



— 8— 
The South, because of her favorable climatic conditions, has al- 
ways had a large number of this class. Here, however, they are not 
only too indolent to work, but too lazy to tramp. They heed literally 
the scriptural injunction, "Take no thought for your life, what ye shall 
eat nor what ye shall drink, nor yet for your bodies what ye shall put 
on." And in this careless, indifferent way they breathe out a misera- 
ble existence. It is not, as has been erroneously supposed, because of 
the institution of slavery that this class is so large in the South. It is 
due to natural conditions, and perhaps, in some degree, to the indul- 
gence and patience of the better people. They frequent in large num- 
bers railroad stations and all places of public resort. Having no em- 
ployment they seek to while away the dull hours of their monotonous 
lives in idle curiosity and indolent lounging. In political campaigns 
th< y become the willing chattel of any candidate or party who will pay 
for their unworthy wares the highest price in the best coin. Thus, 
they are not only a source of annoyance to the community, but also a 
detriment to all social and political advancement. How to deal with 
this class so as to convert them into intelligent, industrious American 
citizens is one of the great problems which to-day confronts the JNew 
South. Its solution will require lime and patience upon her part and 
sympathy and co-operation upon the part of her friends, 

THE NEGRO SLAVE. 
Much has been said and written concerning the negro slave, and 
many phases of his peculiar nature have been fitly described. In some 
instances, however, he has been greatly misrepresented. He was not a 
perfect hero as some have represented him, nor was he the incorrigible 
villain that others have portrayed. He was, taking all conditions into 
account, a very interesting and remarkable character. His evolution 
from a state of savage barbarity to that of civilization and Christianity 
is without a parallel in the history of the world. As a servant he was 
usually obedient, cheerful and industrious. He loved his master with 
an unwavering devotion. He felt proud of any honor or distinctions 
which might be accorded the family to which he belonged. Regard- 
ing them as a type of the true nobility, he judged others by this stand- 



— 9— 
ard. He was quick to detect any little impropriety io his white neigh- 
bor, and had little charity for such failures For one whom he consid- 
ered a gentleman or a lady he entertained a profound respect, but had 
little regard for any who failed to measure up to the requirements of 
his standard. He was, however, courteous and polite to all. Apt to 
learn, he readily copied the manners and customs of his master. 

Music was his chief delight, and he possessed the faculty of waking 
melody under the most untoward circumstances. He lightened the 
burden of his toilsome life with frequent festivities and enlivened his 
daily task with the "old plantation songs." His religion was a mix- 
ture of superstition, emotion, and reverence. He knew little of the 
higher virtues, or felt restraint from the lesser vices. He was passion- 
ate and vain; but was kind and true to his friends, faithful in his duties 
and patient in affliction. In the perilous days of the civil war, while 
his master was away lighting to maintain a cause, which if successful, 
would have bound the shackles of slavery forever upon him and his 
posterity, he remained a faithful sentinel at home, guarding the lives 
and pioperty entrusted to his care with an untiring vigilance. Few in- 
stances are recorded where a trusted slave deserted his post or betrayed 
the sacred trust committed to his charge. 

PECULIAR DOCTRINES AND INSTITUTIONS. 

The Old South was a prime factor of the old Union. She con- 
tributed to it many able and patriotic citizt^ns, wise, statesmen and 
brave warriors. She added much to its territorini extent and aided in 
the upbuilding of its public institutions. There were some distinctive 
doctrines and institutions which were peculiar to her and are worthy of 
mention in this connection. 

The most prominent among these was that of "State Sovereignty." 
In the confederation «.f the States and the establishment of the national 
government the question as to what rights and privileges each !$tate 
should retain and what authority should be vested in the national gov- 
ernment, was not definitely settled. Upon this point politicians dif- 
fered. Some claimed that "The National Constitution was simply a 
compact between the States which for cause may at any time be dis- 



—10— 
solved." They also claimed that each state possesses the right under 
the Constitution to declare any act of the National Congress null and 
void when the interest of that Commonweulih seemed to demand it. 
Others contended that " The sovereignty of the nation is lodged in the 
national government; that the Union is indissoluble; that the highest 
allegiance of the citizen is due to the national government; that all at- 
tempts at nullitication and disunion are acts of treason." In the South- 
ern States the former mterpretation was quite generally accepted as the 
true meaning and design of the Union. The prevailing sentiment in 
the North, however, was in favor of the latter rendering of the Consti- 
tution. 

Upon this great issue much has been written, and many able and 
spirited debates conducted. The most conspicuous of which was that 
between Col, Haynes, of South Carolina, and Hon. Daniel Webster, of 
Massacliuselts, in the Congress of 1881-2. The former spoke in vindi- 
cation of State Rights and the latter contended for the supremacy of 
the national government. But all in vain; the question would not set- 
tle. The issues were as opposite as the poles, and as resistless as the 
tide. Their'mighty currents eventually drew into one or the other of 
these great channels the entire population of the nation, and finally re- 
sulted in the secession of the Southern States and the outbreak of the 
Civil War. 

FliEE TRADE. 

The question of Tariff has long disturbed the spirit of unity be- 
tween the North and the South. The Northern and Eastern States 
have, from the beginning, been engaged largely in manufacturing. 
They therefore required a high or "Protective Tariff" to guard their 
industries against the competition of other countries. The people of 
the South have been devoted almost exclusively to agriculture. Their 
interests have demanded a low tariff or " Free Trade" in order to give 
them a better market for their products and to enable them to purchase 
their supplies as cheaply as possible. Therefore the people of the 
North favored a protective tariff while those of the South advocated 
free trade. I'his great issue lias pcci^sioaeii much spirited discussion, 



-11- 

and was a pretext upon which South Carolina in 1831 threatened to se- 
cede from the Union. It is one of the great issues which even the 
sword has not been able to decide. 

SLAVERY. 

In the earlier periods of colonial history African slavery wa«^ toler- 
ated and protected in all of tlie colonies. The experiment, however 
proving unprofitable in the Northeastern Stales, their slaves were' 
gradually emancipated or sold to Southern planters until in 1S40 there 
were only seventeen slaves in the New England States. In the census 
of I8o0 none were reported. A sentiment opposing the institution was 
soon engendered in this locality and grew with great rapidity from 1850 
to 1860. 

In the South, on the other hand, the experiment proved more 
profitable. Here, broad acres of fertile soil lay open to agriculture 
The long summers, copious showers and mild winters made it pre- 
eminently the home of the cotton plant. After the invention of the 
cotton gin this product became one of the most profitable staples of the 
country. Its manufacture became one of the leading industries of the 
nation and swayed the commerce of the world-whitening the ocean 
with sails and filling the harbors with vessels. Its export brouo-ht mil- 
lions of gold into the United States and set in motion thousands of 
spindles and looms across the Atlantic. 

With this development the value of slave labor increased and the' 
South became devoted to Uie institution. In 1789 there were in the 
United States about seven hundred thousand slaves, producing little or 
no surplus, and in many States were considered a burden In 18C0 
this number had increased to more than four milPions, producing a sur- 
plus of three hundred millions of dollars and representing a value of at 
least two billions of money. 

This marvelous growth had convinced the Southern people that if 
the institution could be made secure, boundless wealth and prosperity 
were within their reach. In the history of the world there has, proba- 
bly never been so vast an amount of producing capital consolidated 
under one power and controlled by so few men. Three generations 



—12— 
were taught that slavery as an institution was divinely appointed and 
linked with every line of duty and progress. It is not strange, there- 
fore, that they gave to it their heartiest support and defended it by 
every legitimate means. They looked upon any proposition which 
tended iu an}-^ way to restrict it as an infringement upon their most 
sacred rights and an attack upon their most vital interests. 

CAUSES OF REBELLION. 

The secession of the Southern States and the outbreak of the civil 
war, although seemingly the rash act of a moment were, nevertheless, 
the result of causes which had long existed, and had been gathermg 
strength through many decades of political agitation . Farseeing states- 
men of both the North and the South had long discerned the threaten- 
ing danger and had endeavored to warn the people against the danger- 
ous issues. The greatest issue between the North and the South, as 
has been stated, was that of "State Sovereignty" against "National 
Supremacy." With regard to their constitutions the rights of the 
several States were recognized, but vv^ith regard to the introduction of 
slavery into newly acquired territory there was a difference of opinion. 

The first great conflict upon this issue was in regard to the bill to 
organize Missouri Territory in 1819, The institution of slavery was 
already planted in Missouri, Objections were raised in Congress to its 
system of labor. When a bill was introduced the next year to admit 
the new State into the Union, the discussion was renewed with great 
vigor. The debate continued with great intensity and a dissolution of 
the Union was threatened. On the 16th of February Senator Thomas, 
of Illinois, introduced a bill in Congress known as the Missouri Com- 
promise. The principal conditions of the bill were: 

1st.— The admission of Missouri as a slave State. 

2d. — The division of the rest of the Louisiana purchase by the oar- 
allel of 36^ and 30 . 

3d — In the States formed of this territory sonth of this line the 
question as to whether they should be free or slaveholding should be 
determined by the people wiien they came to form their State Consti- 
tutions. 

V 



—13— 

4th. — In the States formed of the territory north of this line slavery 
should be forever prohibited. 

Hon. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, was the chief supporter of this 
bill, and has since been popularly but erroneously considered its au- 
thor. 

The next great conflict occurred during the period from 1828 to 
1832, In 1828 C/Ongress levied a tax or duty upon all fabrics made of 
wool, cotton, flax, silk, and upon the articles manufactured from iron, 
lead, &c., in order to protect the new manufacturing industries in the 
Northeast against the competition of other countries. During the ses- 
sion of 1831-2 these duties were increased. The St)uthern people were 
opposed to these acts, since they were detrimental to their interests. 
South Carolina even threatened to resist the collection of these duties 
by force of arms. 

The firmness of President Jackson averted the evil of a conflict for 
the time being. In the following spring Hon. Henry Clay secured the 
passage of a bill by Congress which provided for the gradual reduction 
of , these duties, until in ten years the low rate demanded by South Car- 
olina might be reached. 

In 1835 that portion of Mexico bordering on Louisiana, — called 
Texas — threw off the yoke of Mexico and declared itself independent. 
Its independence was soon recognized bv the United States and the 
chief powers of Europe, but Mexico opposed the measure. This prov- 
ince, having been settled largely by Engli.sh-speaking people, sought 
admission in 1844 into the Union as a State. Tlie North opposed its 
admission from the' fact that it gave the South a large territory which 
might become slaveholding. The South favored it upon the same 
grounds. 

The Southern people were, however, successful, and on the 1st of 
March, 1844, the Lone Star took her place among her sisters as a State 
of the Union. This act precipitated the nation in a bloody war with 
Mexico, which cost the government more than fifteen millions of dol- 
lars and the lives of many of her noble, valiant sons. She gained, how 



—14— 
ever, a valuable tract of land and extended her domain to the Paciric 
Coast. 

A new government had been formed in California. In 1849 a pe- 
tition was presented to Congress asking for her admission into the 
Union as a state. Their constitution had been formed containing a 
clause prohibiting slavery. 

The pro slavery party objected to the bill upon the grounds that in 
the territory lying south of tiie line provided by the Missouri Compro- 
mise the National Congress had guaranteed the right of slavery, and 
a part of the territory embraced in the new State lay south of this line. 
The anti-slavery party claimed, on the contrary, that the Missouri 
Compromise applied only to the territoiy included in the Louisiana 
purchase. Another agitation of the old issue was the result. Other 
questions entered into the discussion. Texas claimed New Mexico as 
a part of her territory. The people of Santa Fe resisted the claim and 
demanded a separate government. 

The Southern slaveholders complained that the people of the North 
were aiding fugitive slaves to obtain their freedom. The anti-slaverv 
party demanded the abolition of slavery from the District of Columbia. 
The whole debate was violent and full of spirit. At length a c<^m- 
mittee of thirteen was appointed to consider the matter. The illustri 
ous Henry Clay, the nation's great peacemaker, was the chairman of 
the committee. He presented a report on behalf of the committee, 
which is known as the Omnibus Bill. Its provisions were: 

1st— The admission of California as a free State. 

2d — The formation of new States, not to exceed four, of the terri- 
tory of Texas; said States to be either free or slaveliolding, as the peo- 
ple should decide when they framed their constitutions. 

3d — The organization of territorial governments for New Mexico 
and Utah without conditions as to slavery. 

4th — The establishment of the present boundary line between 
Texas and New Mexico and the payment to the former, for surrender- 
ing the territory of the latter, ten millions of dollars from the National 
treasury. 



—15— 

5th — The enactment of a more rigorous fugitive slave law. 

6th— The abolitiou of slavery from the District of Columbia. 

lu January. 1854, the struirgle was renewed with more viiror than 
ever, perhaps, by a bill introduced by eenator Douglas, of Illinois, for 
the organization of the territories of Kansas and Neb-aaka. A^s' the 
Missouri Compromise had been repealed by the act which admitted 
California as a free 8tate, xMr. Douglas urged that these two territories 
should be organized without conditions as to slavery; that the people 
of each should decide as to whether they should be free or slaveholding 
States when they came to frame their respective constitutions. The 
anti-slavery parly opposed the bill. The discussion continued until 
May, when the bill was finally passed. The queslion of slavery having 
been left for the citizens to decide when they framed their State con- 
stitutions, each party sought to gain a majority of voters Emigration 
boards were formed both in the North and the South. Emigrants were 
sent, in great numbers, into Kansas especially. 

In the election of 1854-5 the pro slavery party had the majority 
in Kansas. They established their State governmeni at Lacompion 
with a constitution permitting slavery. The anti-slavery party claimed 
that the election was carried by fraud. They therefore assembled at 
Topeka and organized a government with a constitution prohibiting 
slavery. Thus two rival governments were established in the new 
State. A civil war between the contending factions was the result 
From the antumn of 1855 to the coming summer Kansas was the scene 
of battle and strife. 

In September, however, the President appointed John W. Gerry 
of Pennsylvania, Military Governor of Kansas, with full power to. re- 
store peace. He soon succeeded in putting un end to the strife. 

But the whole country was aroused to the most intense excitement. 
Five years later its gathering fury burst upon the nation in the out- 
break of the Civil War. The passage of the Omnibus Bill in 1850 by 
which the Missouri Compromise of 1820 w^s repealed gave rise to the 
organization of a new party called the Republican or Free Soil party. 
They claimed that all the Territories ought to t)^ free. This party was 



—16— 
composed of the more agi^ressive members of both the other parties, 
and soon gained tlie favor aud support of the masses of the North and 
the mcnmtainous districts of the Central South. The passage of the 
fugitive shive hiw in 1850, which granted to the slaveholder the right 
to recover, his slave wherever found, and the decision of the Supreme 
Court in the Dred Scott case, which guaranteed the right of slavery in 
all the territories, were quite offensive to the people of the North. As 
a retaliatory measure they passed, in some of their State legislatures, 
acts known as Personal Liberty bills, which served to nullify the Fugi- 
tive Slave law. 

This action incensed the Southern people, as these acts were a vio- 
lation of the laws of the National Congress, and in defiance of the de- 
cision of the Supreme Court, they demanded their repeal. The North- 
ern politicians replied that the Fugitive Slave act, being a seditious law, 
ought not, and could not, be enforced The politicians of the South 
urged that this act is no more repulsive to the North than were the 
Tariff laws of 1828 and 1832 to the people of their section. And as 
these laws had been sustained and enforced by the National Govern- 
ment in the interest of the North, they had equal right to demand the 
same protection of their interests from that body. The excitement 
grew so intense that extreme parties, both in the North and in the 
South, advocated a dissolution of the Union. The campaign of 1860 
was perhaps the most exciting in history of the nation. 

Violent speeches, full of rash threats, were made on both sides. 
The triumph of the Republican party was a significant fact to the South- 
ern statesmen. One of the prominent features of that party's platform 
had been the abolition of slavery. They therefore expected a speedy 
attack upon that institution. The Northern Democrats entertained 
the same opinion, and bitterly denounced the policy of the Abolition- 
ists. Mr, Buchanan's message to Congress in December, 1860, very 
clearly stated the situation of afTairs in the South. In this message he 
said : "The long continued and intemperate interference of the North- 
ern people with the question of slavery in the Southern States has at 
last produced its qatural result. The time so much dreaded by the 



—17— 
Father of his Country has come when hostile geographical parties have 
been formed." He declared that he had long foreseen aud forewarned 
his fellow-countrymen of the impending danger. 

Referring to the action of the people 61 the Northern States in pass- 
ing enactments known as Personal Liberty bills, he declared Ihat, "The 
danger does not proceed solely from the attempt to exclude slavery 
from the territories, nor from the attempt to defeat the execution of 
the Fugitive Slave law. Any or ail of these might have been endured 
by the South, trusting to lime and reflection for the remedy, but the 
immediate peril arises from the fact that the long-continued agitation 
in the free States has at last produced its malign influence on the 
slaves and inspiied in them vague ideas of freedom. Hence, the sense 
of security no longer exists around the family altar. The feeling of 
peace at home has given place t(^ appiehensions of civil insurrection. 
And many a matron throughout the South retires at night in dread of 
what may befall herself and her children before morning. I am per- 
suaded that if this apprehension of domestic danger should extend and 
intensify itself, dissension would be inevitable." 

Having thus briefly summarized what he believed to be the griev- 
ances of the South, he suggested a few reasons why the South ought 
not to secede from the Union. He said, '"I he election of any one of 
our fellow-meu to the oflnce of President does not of itself afford a just 
cause for the dissolution of the Union. Especially is this true if his 
election has l)een effected by a mere plurality and not a majority of 
the people; and has resulted frcnn transient causes which may never 
occur again." Reciting the statutes which he considered hostile to the 
c 'ustitutional rights of the South, and urging their rnmediale and un- 
conditional repeal, he added. "The Soutiiern States, standing on the 
basis of the Constitution, have a right to demand this action from the 
States of the North. Should it be refused them, the Constitution to 
which all the States are parties, will have been willfully violated by one 
portion of them in a provision essential to llie domestic security of the 
remainder. In that evet;t the injured State, after having used all 
peaceful, constitutional means to obtain redress, would be justifiable in 



—18- 
rc'volntionary resistance to the government of the Union." Thousands 
of men in the North shaied the same convictions, and publicly declare(i 
that ihe policy of liie Republican party was hostile to the liighest in- 
terests of the South and of the Nation as well. That the South would 
bo justifiable in withdrawing from the Union . Thus stimulated, meu 
who, under ordinary circumstances, would have refrained from taking 
aggressive steps against the National Government, were forced into 
positions of hostility. This conviction, however, was not unanimous 
throughout the South. The loyal mountaineers, and a small but reso- 
lute faction in all the Soulhern States opposed secession. Alexander 
Stephens, who afterwards became Vice President of the Southern Con- 
federacy, stubbornly opposed the measure and endeavored to restrain 
the people of his native State from joining in the rel)ellion. But, find- 
ing ihat the issue wjis iMevital)le, rather than desert his brethren, he 
went with them into the s;i uggle. Thus llie current swept thousands 
of men into its great channel, \\ ho would have preferred to remain in 
the Union. 

A numb'M- of the Nation's greatest statesmen, whose mature judg- 
ment and wise counsels had contributed mucli toward the amicable ad- 
justment in former agitations, were no more. The place of Clay, Cal- 
houn, or Webster, would be difficult to fill in any period of our Na- 
tion's history — especially were they missed during the turbulent excite- 
ment of the 'oOs. There were a number of wise and noble statesmen 
in tiie National Congiess at this time, t)ut few had sufficient experience 
10 enable them to deal successfully with these great issues. In truth, the 
compromises had served simply as a temporary postponement of a final 
settlement of ihese great questions, A conllicl was inevitable. The 
sword was the only arbiter. God was in the movement. It was his 
great opportunity to lift the .«ihackles from the negro slaves, to bind 
and cement the N'ation in b )nds of union which cinnot be severed ; and 
to lay, deeper and broader, ihe foundati<^ns of a government whose 
power, wealth and glory shall eclipse by far the nations of the earth. 
From the l)lood of tlu! noble heroes in both the blue and the gray has 
arisen a race of patriotic American citizens, in whose hands her inter- 



—10— 

ests shall be sacredly guarded, her resources developed, and all of her 
noble aims prosecuted to a successful is<ue. 

ORGANIZATION OF THE CONFEDERACY. 

In October, 1800, South Carolina began a correspondence with the 
other "^outiiern States with regard to the situation and what measures 
were best to employ to save the Simth from what seemed to be an im- 
pending crisis. There were individuals in each State who advocated 
secession from the Union, but a majority of tlie citizens were opposed 
to sucli a measure The legislature of South Carolina, in November, 
18(30, called a convention, to be held on the- 17th of the following De- 
cember, to which delegates were to be elected immediately by the peo- 
ple. This convention on the 20th of December declared that "the State 
of South Carolina is no longer a member of the Union," Her repre- 
sentatives withdrew from the House at Washington on the 24th of De- 
cember. In a brief card they stated that as the people of tlieir State 
had in their sovereign capacity, resumed the powers delegated by them 
to the Federal Government of the Uuite»l States, their connection with 
the House of Repre.'^entaiives was therefore dissolved. The Senators 
were more outspoken and took the opportunity of their retirement to 
indict serious charges ngainst the Federal Government. 

Soon after this event a peace conference was held at Washington in 
the hope of effecting a reconciliation. The Southern delegates pro- 
posed two conditions upon which they had agreed; 

First — The repeal of the Personal Liberty Bills which had b^en 
passed by the ijegislatures in the North, and the enforcement of the 
Fugitive Slave Law. 

Second — The peaceful dissolution of the National compact, and 
that the Southern States be allowed to withdraw and establish a sepa- 
rate government. 

Both of these propositions were rejected by the Northern delegates, 
and the conference adjourned without accomplishing anythi.ng. 

On the 5th of January, 1861, the Senators from Alabama, Arkan- 
sas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Texas, met in Wash- 
ington and agreed and informed the governing authorities in each of 



—20— 
their respective States that South Carolina must be sustained. All the 
Southern Stales must stand together. The seces'^ion of each State 
should he secunz-d in time for a convention to be held not later than the 
loth of February. The Southern Confederacy should be organized 
with departments all manned before the inauguration of Mr, Lincoln. 

Pursuant to these suggestions, each of these States, following the 
lead of South Carolina, passed ordinances of secession within six 
weeks. Their Senators and Representatives resigned their respective 
seats as their States retired from the Union. 

On the 4th of February delegates from six of these States met in 
Montgomery, Alabama, and after due deliberation formed a govern- 
ment called "The Confederate States of America." Jefferson Davis, of 
Mississippi, was elected President, and Alcxandfir H. .Stephens, of 
Georgia, Vice-President. 

The North was slow to believe that the South was in earnest. The 
Federal Government was at that time at a great disadvantage. Her 
armies were stationed upon her remotest frontier, her navy was scat- 
tered upon di.«Jtant seas. Her people were divided in sentiment. 
Many in the central and border States were in sympathy with the 
Southern cause. Many of her leading and best trained military officers 
were of the South, and a number of her garrisons were located within 
the Confederate States. 

The S.'nith was not without her difficulties and disadvantages. 
Her greatest embarrassment was a lack of money to carry on the war. 
She had no treasur}^ upon which to rely. She issued a paper currency, 
but its value depending upon the success of the new government, was 
consequently at a discount. Her people were not a unit. The moun- 
taineers of the central South were loyal to the Union. Many of the 
planters hesitated to take a st;and for the new Confederacy. 

Wise and prompt action upon the part of the loyal men of both 
sections might have easily prevented a conflict. But the spirit grew 
rapidly. Men hesitated to take up arms against their neighbors or to 
fight against their States. In a short time armies were organized and 
ecpiipped for the defense of the Southern cause. A few who opposed 



^21— 
secessioti, taking their families Nortii, entered the Union army. Oth- 
ers, leaving all to the fates of war, formed into liille bauds and sought 
to reach the Union ranks by secret marches overhmd. Most of these 
were overtaken and captured by the Southern Iroops. From the moun- 
tain districts large companies were formed which rendered most effi- 
cient service to the Union army. Upon the battlefield there were no 
braver men than the veterans from the Cumberlands and the Unakas. 
They understood the geography of their sections and knew every moun- 
tain pass and secret ravine. They were therefore able to lead their 
armies where few dared to follow, and none were able to intercept 
Their families were a great protection to the Union soldiers. Many 
stragglers from the regular army, or escaping from prison, were able 
through the aid of these loyal mountaineers, to reach their homes or 
army in safety. 

On .January 9th, 18G1, The Star of the West, a steamship sent by 
the Federal Government to carry supplies and reinforceme.its to Gen- 
eral Anderson at Fort Sum^ter, was tired upon bv the batteries of 
South Carolina and forced to H-eturn. Hostilities did not begin in earn- 
est, however, until the 12th of the following April, when the Confed- 
erates after a bombardment of thirty-four hours, captured the fort 
No lives were lost upon either side in the engagement. From this time 
forth the South was the scene of battle and desolation. Plantations 
were laid waste. Cities and country homes were burned and every in- 
dustry was prostrated. Wealth and luxury gave place to poverty nnd 
want. Both armies were maintained, in part at least, upon the product 
ot the South. In many instances much more was destroyed than was 
used. Aside from this, companies of guerillas or robbers were formed 
who robbed and pillaged without mercy or human pitv. Aged men 
defenseless women, and helpless children were subjected to the most 
atrocious crimes and ou^.rages. Some were murdered in cold blood- 
others were tortured and maimed for life. Houses were pillaged plun' 
dered and burned. The cruelty of these bands surpassed that of the 
savage Indians. 

In the beginoing of the war the issue was simply union or disuu- 



—22— 

ion. But the sentiment of abolition soon became so strong in New 
England and other sections of Uie North, that the people began to de- 
maud of Mr. Lincoln a proclamation of the general emancipation of 
the slaves. On the 19th of August, 1802, Horace Greeley, editor of 
the New York Tribune, wrote an editorial in his paper, in which he 
assumed to utter the prayer of twenty millions of people. He urged 
the President in the strongest possible terms to issue a proclamation of 
freedom to all the slaves in tlie Confederate Slates. Mr. Lincoln re- 
plied to this editorial of Mr. Greeley through the Intelligencer, pub- 
lished at Washington, D. C, as follows: 

Executive Mansion, Washington, August 22, ]8G2. 
Mr. Horace Greeley: 

Dear Sir, — I have just read yours of the 19th addressed to myself 
through the New Yoik Tribune. If there be in it any statements or as- 
sumptions of fact which I may know to be erroneous I do not now 
and here controvert them. If there be in it any inferences which I 
may believe to be falsely drawn I do not here and now argue 
against them. If there be perceptible in it an imperious and dictato- 
rial tone I waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have al- 
ways supposed to be right. As to tlie policy I seem to be pursuing, as 
you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. 1 would save 
the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. 
The sooner tlie national authority can be restored the nearer will be 
Union as it was. Broken eggs can never be mended and the longer the 
breaking proceeds the more will be broken. If there be those who 
would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy 
slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this strug- 
gle is to save the Union and is not either to save or destro}'- slavery. If 
I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it. and if 
I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could 
save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that. 
What I do about slavery and the colored race I do because 1 believe 
it helps to save the Union, and what I forbear I forbear because 
I do not believe it would help to save the Union, 1 shall do less when- 



—23— 
ever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and 1 shall do 
more whenever I shall believe doing more will help the cause. I shall 
try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall adopt new 
views so fast as they appear to be true views. I have here staled my 
purpose according to my view of official duty; and I intend no moditi- 
cation of my oft expressed persintal wish that all men everywhere be 
fi'tie. Yours, 

A . Lincoln. 

President James C. Willing, who was at this lime one of the edi- 
tors of the Inielligencer, Washingron, D. C , furnishes in the American 
Review of February, 1880, a vvvy interesting and instructive article on 
the "Emancipation Proclamation." I quote the following from that 
article: 

*'The proximate and procuring clause of the proclamation, as 1 
conceive, is not far to seek. It was issued primarily and chietly as a 
political necessity, and took on the character of a military necessity 
only because the President had been brought to believe that if he did 
not keep the radical portion of the party at his back he could not long 
be sure of keeping an army at the front. We had begun the conduct 
of the war on the theory that it was waged for the restoration of the 
Union under the Constiiutioi), as it was at the outbreak of the s^ces- 
sior) movement, lie sedulously labored to keep the war in this line of 
direction. He publicly deprecated its degeneration into a remorseless 
revolutionary struggle. He cultivated every available alliance with 
th(! Union men of the border Stales. He sympathised with them in 
their loyalty, and in the political theory on which it was based. But 
the most active and energ.-tic wing of ihe R.-publican party had be- 
come, as the war waxed hotter, more and more hostile to this 'border 
State theory of the war.' unlil in the end, its fiery and impetuous 
leaders did not hesitate to threaten him with repudiation as a political 
chief, and even began in some cases to hint the expediency of with- 
holditig supplies for the prosecution of the war unless the President 
should remove "'pro-slavery generals" from the command of our 
armies, and adopt an avowedly anti-slavery policy in the future con- 



—24— 

duct of the war. Thus placed between two stools, and liable between 
them to fall to the ground, he determined at last to plant himself 
tirmly on the stool which promised the surest and safest support. 

''I am able to slate with confidence that Mr, Lincoln gave this ex- 
planation of" his changed policy a few days after his Preliminary Proc- 
lamation of iSeptember 22ud had been issued. The Hon. Edward Stan- 
ley, the military Governor of North Carolina, immediately on receiving 
a copy of that paper, hastened to Washington for the purpose of seek 
ing an authentic and candid explanation of the grounds on which Mr. 
Liiicoln had based such a sudden and grave departure from the previous 
theory of the war. Mr. Stanley had accepted the post of Military 
Governor of North Carolina at a great personal sacrifice and with the 
distinct understrtuding that the war was to be conducted on the same 
constitutional theory which had presided over its inception by the Fed- 
eral Government, and hence the proclamation not only took him by 
surprise, but seemed to him an act of perfidy. In this view he hastily 
abandoned his post and came to throw up his commission and return 
to California, where he had previously resided. Before doing so he 
sought an audience with the President, in fact, held several interviews 
with bim on the subject; and knowing that, as a public journalist, I 
was deeply interested in the matter, he came to report to me the sub- 
stance of the President's communications. That substance was re- 
corded in my diary, as follows: 

"'September the 27 — Had a call today at the 'Intelligencer' office 
from the Hon. Edward Stanley, Military Governor of North Carolina. 
In a long and interesting conversation Mr. Stanley related to rae the 
substance of several interviews which he had with the President re- 
specting the 'Proclamation of Freedom.' Mr. Stanley said that the 
President had stated to him that the Proclamation had become a civil 
necessity to prevent the radicals from openly embarrassing the Govern- 
ment in the conduct of the war. The President expressed the belief 
that without tl^e Proclamation for which they had been clamoring, the 
radicals would take the extreme step in Congress of withholding sup 
plies for carrying on the war, leaving the whole country in anarchy. 



—25— 

Mr. Lincoln said that he had prayed to the Almighty to save him from 
this necessitj'', adopting the very language of our Savior, 'If it be possi- 
ble, let this cup pass from me'; but the prayer had not been answered. " 

At any rate, Mr. Lincoln consented to change tlie issue of the war, 
and on the 22nd of September, 18G2, he issued a preliminary or 
warning proclamaliou. The following is the important portion: 

"That on the tirst day of January, in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves 
witliiu any Slates or designated pans of a State, the people whereof 
shall tlien be in rebellion against the United States shall then be thence- 
forward and forever free; and the Executive Government of the 
United Slates, including the military and naval authority thereof will 
recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no 
act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they 
may make for their actual freedom. * * That the executive will on 
the lirot day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the 
States and parts of States, if any, in wliieh the people thereof, respec- 
tively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the 
fact that any Stale, or the people thereof, shall on ihat day be in good 
faith represented in the Congress of the United Stales by members 
chosen thereto at e'eclions wherein a majority of the qualified voters of 
such State shall have participated, shall in ihe absence of strong coun- 
tervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evideice that such States 
and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United 
States.'' 

On the first of January. 1808, Mr. Lincoln issued the Proclamation 
of Emancipation in accordance with the preliminary warning of Sep- 
tember, declaring all slaves free in certain Slates and parts of States, 
which be designated. And as the ^Uniou army advanced, conquering 
the country, the slaves in the.se States were practically set free. Of 
course, slavery was not legally abolished until the adoption of the 
Thirteenth Article of the Amendment to the Constitution, February 
the 1st, 1865. Yet this Proclamaijou, no doubt, had much to do \i\ 
hastening the close of tjie wjw, 



—26— 

To the Nation the war was a terrible disaster. It cost in money 
according to the best statistics to which I hnve access two billions and 
seven hundred millions of dollars, and the lives of many thousands of 
her noblest heroes. The North was bereft of many devoted fathers, 
loving husbands, and promising sons. Homes were broken up and sa- 
cred ties severed which can never be reunited. Aching voids were 
made which the world can never fill But in the South the condition 
was more deplorable Beside all of these afflictions which the North 
endured, she had a wasted land of desolated homes. 

Poverty and wretchedness were upon every hand. The dead bod- 
ies of her loved ones lay scattered over her hills. Amid the desolation 
of war and the confusion of peace and reconstruction she began the 
struggle for a new existence. 

The noble hero of the North, wearing the loyal blue, went forth 
into the conflict to defend a cause which he esteemed above his own 
life. But he was assured that family, property and every interest were 
secure, and if he came not back to greet his loved ones again, kind 
friends would provide for them in his stead. 

The equally valiant heroes of the Soulh, some wearing the blue, 
others the gray, went forth impelled by convictions as strong, and to 
defend a priuciple to them as sacred, knowing that family and property 
were exposed to the perils of a relentless war. As they marched forth 
upon a battle-field to meet an enemy, among whom for aught they 
knew, was a son of their own loving mother, they could hear in the 
rear the echo of the distant cannon which was perhaps pouring its 
deadly missiles into the very door yard of their own unprotected 
homes. In the quiet hush of the bivouac they could hear the low sad 
wail of agony sent up by broken hearts which were dearer to them than 
life itself. In fancy's vivid picture they could see the lurid flames con- 
suming their own beautiful homes, and their defenseless wives and 
helpless children thrust out into a wasted and desolate land to suffer 
and perhaps to die. 

Oh land of the desolate, land of the slain, 
Land fuU of heartaches, of anguish and pain; 



-~27- 

Thy pride and thy glory are locked in the tomb, 
And over thy border rests the shadow of gloom. 

But out of this gloom comes the glimmer of morn, 
The radiant splendor of glory unborn; 
From the blood of thy sires who sleep in thy dust 
Shall arise a young manhood in whom thou canst trust. 

In the field where in silence sleeps tbe blue and the gray, 
With all that is mortal mouldering back into clay. 
Let all of thy malice and envy expire. 
And future achievements thy bosom inspire. 

From the North, from the South, from the East and the West, 
Let the love of the Nation burn bright in each breast; 
Let the banner of peace all our people enshrine, 
And our courage defend its tenets divine. 



Peace. 



The victory of the Union army at Chattanooga, Tennessee, broke 
the spirit of the Confederates. Some of the loading generals, seeing 
that their cause was hopeless, advised President Davis to negotiate 
with President Lincoln a treaty of peace upon the best possible terms. 
Mr. Davis was not willing, however, to submit to a humiliation, nor to 
believe that the struggle was lost. So the war dragged on until the 
Spring of 1SG5. 

The first Confederate commander to surrender was General Robert 
E, Lee, which surrender occurred on Palm Sunday at 2 o'clock p. m., 
April the 9th, 18G5. General U. S. Grant, upon this date, addressed the 
following note to General R. E. Lee, the two generals having had a 
friendly consultation in regard to the matter the preceding day: 

Appomatox Court House, Va., April 9th, 1S65. 
General: — In accordance with my letter to you of the 8th instant, 
I propose to receive the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia 
on the following terms, to-wit: Rolls of all the officers and men to be 
made out in duplicate, one copy to be given to an officer designated 'by 
me; the other to be retained by such other officer or officers as you may 
designate; the officers to give their individual paroles not to take up 
arms against the Government of the United States until properly ex- 
changed, and each company or regimental commander to sign a like 
parole for the men of their commands. The arms, artillery and public 
property to be packed and stacked and turned over to the officers ap- 
pointed by me to receive them. This will not embrace the side arms of 
the officers nor their private horses or baggage. I'his done, each officer 
and man will be allowed to return to his home not to be disturbed by 



-:^0- 

United States authority so long as they observe their paroles and the 
laws in force where they reside. U. S. Grant, 

Lieutenant General. 
To this letter General R. E. Lee, replied as follows: 

Headquarters Army of Northern Virginia,) 

April Dth, 1865. J 

General : — I received your letter of this date containing the 
terms of the surrender of the Army of Northern Virginia as named by 
you. As they are substaotially the same as those expressed in your let- 
ter of the 8th instant, they are accepted. 1 will proceed to designate 
the proper officers to carry the stipulations into effect. 

H E. Lee, General. 

Mr. Davis, with his cabinet, accompanied by other officers of the 
Confederacy, left Richmond, Virginia, on the night of April the 2nd. 
and came to Danville. Receiving information that General Lee had 
surrendered the Army of Virginia to General U. S. Grant, they pro- 
ceeded to Greensboro, North Carolina, where a conference was held 
with Generals Johnston and Beauregard. At this conference the Con- 
federate President reluctantly consented that General Johnston might 
surrender his army to General Sherman upon the best possible terms. 
These two gentlemen met on the 18th day of April, A. D. 1865, and 
formulated the following plan of surrender: 

^'Memorandum, or basis of agreement, made this, the 18th day of 
April, 1865, near Durham's Station and in the State of North Carolina, 
by and between General Joseph E. Johnston, commanding the Confed- 
erate Army, and Major-General W, T. Sherman, commanding the 
Army of the United States in North Carolina, both present: 

"I. The contending armies now in the field to maintain their 
status quo until notice is given by the commanding general of either one 
of its opponents, and reasonable time — say forty-eight hours — allowed. 

"IL The Confederate armies now in existence to be disbanded and 
conducted to the several State Capitals, there to deposit their arms and 
public property in the State arsenal, and each officer and man to exe- 
cute and file an agreement, to cease from acts of war and abide the 



—31— 

action of both State and Federal authorities. The number of arms and 
mr.nitions of war to be reported to the Chief of Ordnance at Washing- 
ton City subject to the action of the Congress of the United States, 
and in tlie meantime to be used solely to maintain peace and order 
within the borders of the States respectively. 

"III. The recogniiion by the Executive of the United States of 
the several Slate governments, on their officers and Tiegishitures taking 
the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States, and 
where contlicting State governments liave lesulted from the war, the 
legitimacy of all shall be submitted to the Supreme Court of the 
United States. 

"IV. The re-establishment of all Federal courts in the several 
States, with powers defined by the Constitution of the laws of Con- 
gress. 

''V. The peopk; and inhabitants of said States to be guaranteed, 
so far as the Executive can, their political rights and franchises, as 
well as their rights of person and property, as defined by the «. onstitu- 
tion of the United States, and of the States respectively. 

"VI. The executive authority of the Government of the United 
States not to disturb any people by reason of the late war so long as 
they live in peace and quiet, abstain from acts of armed hostility and 
obey the laws in existence at the place of their residence. 

"VII. In general terms it is announced that the war is to cease. 
A general amnesty, so far as the executive power of the United States 
can command, as conditional of the disbandment of the Confederate 
armies, the distribution of arms and resumption of peaceful pursuits 
by otticers and men hitherto composing the said armies. 

"Not being fully empowered by our respective principals to ful- 
fil these terms, we individually and officially pleilge ourselves to 
promptly obtain the necessary authority and to carry out the above 
program W. 'I\ Shekman, Major General, 

Commanding the Army of the United States in North Carolina. 

J. E. JoHKSTON, General, 
Commanding the Confederate Array in North Carolina." 



—32— 

While tliese negotiations were going on between these distinguished 
generals, and while the people both in the North and the South were 
rejoicing in the immediate prospects of peace, the whole Nation was 
prostrated with grief by the brutal assassination of the President. 

On the night of the 14th of April, at Ford's Theatre, in Washing- 
ton, D. C, President Al)raham Lincoln was assassinated by John Wilkes 
Booth, an actor of some note and the son of Junius Brutus Booth, the 
famous English tragedian. 

At almost the same hour, an accomplice of Booth, Louis Payne 
Powel by name, stole into the bedchamber of Secretary Seward, leap- 
ing upon his couch he stabbed him well uigh unto death and made his 
escape . 

Both men were overtaken. Powel was arrested, tried, convicted, 
and hanged. Booth, refusing to surrender, was shot by Sergeant Bos- 
ton C/orbet. A number of conspirators were arrested, tried, convicted, 
auil punished according to the malignity of theii" crimes. 

But nothing could atone for the Nation's great loss. Abraham 
liiucoln was one of the greatest men the New World has ever produced. 
He was the first and greatest American who has yet lived. He com- 
bined the tenderness of womanhood, the smiplicity of childhood, 
and the courage of manhood in his excellent nature. He was a man of 
the broadest vision, deepest insight and most comprehensive and sound- 
est judgment. No man since Washington enjoyed, as did he, the unlim- 
ited confidence of his friends, and the profoundest respect of his ene- 
mies. His untimely death was a terrible shock to the Nation, an irre- 
parable loss, which was felt in the South as well as in the North. 

While he was true to the people of the North, he v^b,s just to the 
South. In his great heart were no bitter feelings of malice or revenge. 

This sad calamity not only prostrated the Nation with grief, but 
also greatly intensified the prejudice of the Northertj people against the 
South. They mistrusted that the Southern leaders were in some waj'' 
involved in the wicked plot of assassination. A number of Southern 
leaders were arrested, but the closest investigation revealed no shadow 
of evidence which in any way implicated any of them in ihis wicked 



—33— 

plot. Actuated by this impression, and moved by other sentiments, 
perhaps, Andrew Johnson, who, by the death of President Lincoln, 
had succeeded to the Presidency of the United Slates, disapproved the 
Sherman-Johnston convention. General Johnston, however, on the2()th 
of April, surrendered the Confederate forces under him upon terms 
similar to those agreed upon between Generals Grant and Lee at Appo- 
matox Court House. 

The surrender of Johnston was promptly followed by that of the 
other Confederate commanders. The last surrender was that of Gen- 
eral E. Kirby Smith, of Texas, which occurred on the 2Bth of May, 
1865. 

Thus ended the most remarkable war of modern times— in many 
respects the most remarkable in the world's history. It lifted the shack- 
les from four millions of slaves and transformed the African bonds- 
man into an American citizen. It settled forever some of the leading 
issues which had long disturbed the peace and tranquility of the Na- 
tion. By banishing the Institution of slavery it relieved the South of 
a great burden and opened to the people of this section a door of 
greater development, power and dignity. It obliterated geographical 
lines of distinction and removed all grounds for sectional prejudice. It 
has made possible the theory of American union, and the success of a 
great and glorious Republic. 

As the beat of the drum and the roar of the cannon are hushed, 
and the smoke is clearing away from the crimson batilefields, the bow 
of promise is seen in the cloud, the star of hope beams forth from the 
heavens, and the song of peace is wafted from the crystal lakes of the 
North to the orange groves of the South, And when every section is 
about to realize "how good and how pleasant it is for brethren to dwell 
together in unity," ihe song of peace is hushed, the star of hope is ob- 
scured, the bow of promise has vanished. Instead of emerging from 
her ruin and desolation to rebuild her homes and repair the waste of 
war, the South is plunged into the deeper distress and humiliation of 
Reconstruction. 



Reconstruction. 



Immediately after the death of President LiDColn, Andrew John- 
son, Vice-President, having taken the oath, succeeded to the Presi- 
dency. 

Mr. Johnson was a man of more than ordinary ability. By dint 
of persevering industry he had arisen from poverty and obscurity lo 
the highest office within the gift of the people. Altliough for many 
years he had been a leader in the democratic party he had serious mis- 
givings on the subject of slavery. In the agitations of ISoJ-GO he op- 
posed the policy of the secessionists and insisted that a consistent ad- 
herance to the Constitution was the one and only remedy for all the al- 
leged grievances of the South Of tlie twenty Senators from the 
eleven seceding States, he was the only one who retained his seat and 
remained loyal to the Government of the Union. In 1862 President 
Lincoln appointed him Military Governor of Tennessee, which posi- 
tion he filled with great fidelity. 

His devotion lo tne Union won for him the admiration of the loyal 
people of the Nation. In 1864 he was elected Vice-President of the 
United States, and by the assassination of Abraham Lincoln he was 
called to the helm to guide the ship of State through the most turbu 
lent waters in the most perilous and critical period of the Nation's his- 
tory. The people had entrusted so entirely to Mr. Lincoln the respon- 
sibility of dealing with all the great issues of the war, and the atten- 
tion of Congress had been so absorbed in the great emergencies of 
maintaining ihe army and providing funds with which to carry on the 
war and to meet the various demands of the government, that no one 
had given much thrjught to the emergencies of peace, or conceived any 
well-defined plan of reconstructing the seceded States and of reinstat- 
ing their people in the Government of the Union. 

It is doubtful whether or not Mr. Lincoln had formulated anv well- 



—36- 
defined plan of reconstruction. But with his strong perceptive powers, 
wide experience and generous nature he would no doubt have been 
able to inaugurate a plan which would have met all the requirements of 
the situation. Enjoying as he did the unlimited confidence of his party 
and the support of Congress, he would have been able to carry out 
with little ditticulty any policy he might have adopted. 

Mr. Johnson, on the contrary, notwithstanding his record for loy- 
alty, from the fact that he was born in the South and had been a life 
long Democrat, did not command the full confidence of the Republi- 
can party nor the undivided support of Congress. The assassinaticm of 
Mr. Lincoln had weakened his hold upon the Northern people and ex- 
cited undue prejudice against him. 

Congress was not in session when Mr. Johnson took his seat, and 
for reasons which he deemed just and sufficient he did not convene that 
body in extra session but undertook the delicate and arduous task of re- 
construction alone. Just what was his original plan of reconstruction 
is largely a matter of conjecture. But from his frequent speeches and 
the position he was known to advocate in this regard it was confidently 
expected that his treatment of Southern leaders, at least, would be 
(piite severe. He had often remarked with the strongest emphasis that 
"treason is the highest crime against the Nation and should be pun- 
ished with the severest penalty,'' There was a general conviction 
among the people that these views were rather extreme, that the exi- 
gency of the times demanded a more liberal policy and that the major- 
ity of Southern people deserved more lenient treatment. This opinion 
was held, to aa extent, by the members of Mr. Johnson's Cabinet. Es- 
pecially was this true of Mr. Seward, his Secretary of State. Mr, 
Seward had been a life-long Whig, a strong opponent of slavery and a 
leader of the Union party. He had suffered much of obloquy and 
abuse from the Democratic press. He was also attacked and wounded 
by an accomplice of Booth on the same night in which President Lin- 
coln was assassinated. Notwithstanding tliis, he was a man of broad 
and noble sentiments. He believed that all the bitter malice and strife 
of war should be put away in time of peace, and that a victorious peo- 



—37- 

ple can well afford to be magnanimous toward their conquered subjects. 
He suggested to the President a more lenient policy than the one he had 
probably formulated. By his persuasive eloquence and convincing 
logic he impressed upon the mind of Mr. Johnsim the wisdom and jus- 
tice of his plan He pictured to the Piesident the danger to the Na- 
tion of a delay in this important matter, the glory that would accrue to 
him m the successful adjustment of these great issues, and the discredit 
that would attach to him if he deferred this task to another adminis- 
tration. Business men, anxious for the restoration of c tmmercial rela- 
tions between the two sections, urged upon the President the import- 
ance of adopting a policy which would secure the desired result in the 
quickest and simplest way. 

The times were perilous in Ihe extreme. The South lay in helpless 
prostration at his feet. Four millions of emancipated slaves roamed in 
absolute destitution in a desolate and devastated land Law and order had 
disappeared and crime and outrage were rampant. 'IMie whole Nation 
was prostrated with grief by the death of their President. The expense 
of a terrible war had impoverished the Nation and burdened the Gov- 
ernment with a very heavy debt. Every line of industry, trade and 
commerce was completely paralyzed. Every interest demanded a 
speedy settlement of the issues of the war, the reconstruction of the 
Southern States, and the restoration of peaceful relations between the 
States of the Union It is difficult to say to what extent the Presi- 
dent's policy was modified by these influences and circumstances 

Having implicit confidence in the coercive power of self-interest 
operating upon the people of these States as soon as they were rein- 
stated into the Union, and believing a simple oath of renewed loyalty 
a sufficient guarantee from the masses of rebel soldiers, l»e issued upon 
the 29th day of May, 1865, a proclamation of amnesty and pardon as 
follows: 

''To all persons who have directly or indirectly engaired in the ex- 
isting rebellion upon the condition that such persons shall take and sub- 
scribe to an oath to be registered for permanent preservation, solemnly 
declaring that henceforth they will faithfully support, defend and pro- 



—38— 
tect the Constitution of the United States and the union of the States 
thereunder, abide by and faithfully support all laws and proclamations 
which have been made during the existing rebellion with respect to the 
emancipation of the slaves." 

The following classes, however, were exempt from the benefits of 
this pardon. 

"1. All diplomatic officers and foreign agents of the Confederate 
Government. 

"2nd. All who left judicial stations under the United States to aid 
rebellion. 

"3rd. All military or naval officers of the Confederacy above the 
rank of Colonel in the army or Lieutenant in the navy. 

"4th. All who left seats in Congress of the United States to join 
the rebellion. 

"5th. All who resigned or tendered resignations in the army or 
navy of the United Slates to evade duty in resisting rebellion, 

"Oth. All persons who have been in the habit of treating otherwise 
than as lawful prisoners of war persons found in the United States ser- 
vice as officers, soldiers or seamen. 

''7th. All persons who are or have been absent from the United 
States for the purpose of aiding rebellion. 

*'8th. All officers in the rebel service who have been educated at 
the United States military or naval academies. 

'*9th. All persons who held the pretended offices of Governor of 
States in insurrection against the United States. 

"IGth. All persons who left their homes within the jurisdiction and 
protection of the United States and passed beyond the Federal or mili- 
tary lines into the pretended Confederacy for the purpose of aiding the 
rebellion. 

*lllh. All persons who have been engaged in the destruction of 
the commerce of the United States upon the high seas, and all persons 
who 'have been engaged in destroying the commerce of the United 



—89— 
States upon the lakes and rivers that separate the British Provinces from 
the United States, 

'a2th. All persons who at the time when they seek to obtain amnesty 
and pardon are in military, naval or civil coiitinemeut as prisoners of 
war or persons detained for offenses of any kind, either before or after 
conviction. 

"13th. All the participants in the rebellion the estimated value of 
whose taxable properly is over twenty thousand dollars " 

A pardon was granted without further act upon their part to all 
who had taken the oath prescribed in President Lincoln's proclamation 
of December the 8th, 18(58. He appended to this prrclamation a pro- 
viso declaring ihat special application may be made to the President 
for pardon for any person belonging to the excepted classes, and the as- 
surance was added that such clemency will be liberally extended, as 
may be consistent with the facts of the case and with the peace and 
dignity of the United States. This proviso with the promise of execu- 
tive clemency brought many applications for pirdou from the excluded 
classes. There are in the archives of the State Department at Wash- 
ington twenty-four large volumes in which are recorded the pardons 
granted to nearly fourteen thousand persons. 

On the same day, the 20th of Mav, 1865, Mr. .Tohnson, as Com- 
mander-in-chief of the armies of the United States, issued another 
proclamation appointing provisional governors >nd providing for the 
assemblage of a convention of loyal m^n in each of the seceded States, 
which should frame a Constitution and organize a State government 
which would be recognized by him as a member of the Federal Union. 
Toothing was said in regard' to the old State Constitutions in these 
States, but each State was to comply with the following conditions, 
and to construct its State Constitution in accordance with the same: 

1st. The abolition of slavery and the ratitication of the Thirteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution of the UiVited States. 

"2nd. The repu'liation of all debts made by each State in main- 
taining the Southefii Confederacy." 

Both of these conditions were approvec^ by the several State con^ 



-40- 
ventious and promptl}' incorporated into their new State Constitutions. 

On tbe 24th of June all restrictions upon trade and intercourse 
with the Southern States were removed by proclamation of the Presi- 
dent. By the I8th of July the work of reconstruction in all the se- 
ceded Stales was completed with officers duly elected and installed in 
their respective positions. 

The work thus far had been done by the loyal men and those of 
the Confederates who had been pardoned by the President under the 
proclamation of May the 29th. 

On the 7th ot September the President issued another proclama- 
tion in which all persons who had upheld the Confederate cause, ex- 
cept the leaders, were unconditionally pardoned. Each State pro- 
ceeded to elect members of Congress and Senators to the National Leg- 
islature. 

On the 29th of November General U. S. Grant, at the instance of 
the President, began a tour through the Southern States. He visited 
Raleigh, Charleston. Atlanta, Augusta, Savannah, and other prominent 
cities of the South. In his report to the President, among other things, 
he said : 

"I am satisfied that the mass of the thinking men of the South ac- 
cept the present situation in good faith. The questions which have 
hitherto divided the sentiments of the people of the two sections — 
slavery and State Kights — or the right of a State to ,«ecede from the Un- 
ion, they regard as having been settled forever by the highest tribunal 
— arms — that men resort to." 

In theory, the President's policy was just, wise and complete. It 
manifested a most magnanimous spirit toward his conquered enemies. 
Bold, rash, and even defiant, as Mr. Johnson was in war, he was as 
kind and tender as a father in time of peace. Whether in its practi- 
cal application this policy would have met the exuigency of the times 
is an open question. Unbiased, thinking people will, I believe, accord 
to Mr. Johnson and his advisors an honest puipose and an earnest de- 
sire to do the right. That the Southern people in their conventions 
and at the polls accepted the conditions and complied with all the re- 



_41— 

quirements of- reconstruction in good faith, no one acquainted with 
the facts can question or doubt. They carried out to the best of their 
ability the provisions of the plan. 

There were, however, matters not comprehended in this plan 
whicli demanded immediate attention. Trcminent among these was 
tlie adjustment of tlie ''race problem." The right of franchise had not 
been accorded to the free negroes in the Northern States Few of the 
most aggressive politicians had advocated such a measure and the 
proposition had met vvitli general disfavor among the masses. It is not 
at all probable that such a measure was at this time considered possible 
by the Southern people. The only propositions that had really been 
presented to them thus far were, the freedom of the negro to enter all 
lines of industry and trade, to compete with white labor in these lines, 
to educate his children and to exercise such other privileges as belong 
to free moral agents If the white people of the South were slow to 
grant these privileges to the negro, as in fact they were, they only man- 
ifested the dominaliQg disposition peculiar to the Anglo-Saxon race. 

An editorial taken from Scribner's Magazine for December, 1880, 
presumably from the pen of Dr. J. G Holland, may well illustrate the 
worst case of Southern prejudice and shows that this Anglo-Saxon race, 
wherever found, is capable of wicked and gross injustice when actu- 
ated by strong prejudice. In the "Topics of the Times," the Doctor 
states : 

"We have a lesson at hand which may, perhaps, give our Northern 
pe-^ple a charitable view of the Southern sentiment and inspire them 
with hope of a great and radical change. We draw this from a work 
recently issued by the author. Miss Ellen D Larned, which seems to be 
a carefu', candid and competent history of Wiu'lham count}', Connect- 
icut. It appears that in 1881, Miss Prudence Crandall, a spirited, well- 
known and popular resident of the county, started a school for girls at 
Canterbury Green. I he school was popular and was attended not only 
by girls from the best families in the immediate region, but by others 
from other counties and other States. Among these pupils she re- 
ceived a colored girl. She was at once told by the parents of the 



-42— 
white children that the colored girl must be dismissed, or that their 
girls would be withdrawn from her establishment. Aliss Crandall 
must have been a delightfully plucky woman, for she defied her pat- 
rons, sent all their chihlren back to them and advertised her school as a 
boarding school for youug ladies and little misses of 'color.' Of course 
the people felt themselves to be insulted, and they organized resistance. 
They appointed a committee of gentlemen to hold an interview with 
Miss Crandall and to remonstrate with her. But that sturdy person 
justified her course and stood by her scheme, as well she might. The 
excitement in the town was without bounds. A town meeting was 
hastily summoned 'to devise and adopt such measures as would ef- 
fectually avert the nuisance, or sj)eedily abate it, if it should be 
brought into the village.' In 183.'i iMiss Crandall opened her school 
against the protest of an indignant populace, who, after the usual habit 
of a Yankee town called and held another town meeting at which it 
was resolved 'that the establishment or rendezvous falsely denominated 
a school, was designed by it^ projectors as the theater * * to promul- 
gate their disgusting doctrines 'of amalgamation and iheir pernicious 
sentiments of subverting the Union. These pupils were to have been 
congregated here from all quarters under the false pretense of educat- 
ing them, but really to scatter firebrands, arrows, and death among 
brethren of our own blood.' 

"Let us remember that all this ridiculous disturbance was made 
about a dozen little darkey girls, incapable of any seditious designand 
impotent to do any sort of mischief. Against one of these little girls 
the people leveled an old vagrant law, requiring her to return to her 
home in Providence, or give security maintenance, on penalty of being 
'whipped on the naked body.' 

"At this time, as the author says: 'Canterbury Green did its best to 
make scholars and teachers uncv)mfortable. Non-intercourse and em- 
bargo acts were put into successful operation. Dealers in all sorts of 
wares and produce agreed to sell nothing to Miss Crandall, the stage 
driver declined to carry her pupils, and neighbors refused a pail of 
fresh water, even though they knew that their own sous had filled her 



—48— 
well with stable refuse. Boys and rowdies were allowed, unchecked, 
if not openly encouraged, to exercise their utmost ingenuity in mis- 
chievous annoyance, throwing real stones and rotten eggs at the win- 
dows, and following the school with hoots and horns if it ventured to 
appear on the streets. 

"Miss Crandall's Quaker father was threatened with mob violence, 
and was so terrified that he begged his daughter to yield to the de- 
mands of popular sentiment; but she was braver than he, and stood by 
herself and her school. Then Canterbury appealed to the Legislature, 
and did not appeal in vain. A statute, designed to meet the case, was 
enacted, which the inhabitants received with pealing bells and booming 
cannon and 'every demonstration of popular delight and triumph.' 
This law was brought to bear upon Miss Crandall's father and mother 
in the following clioice note from two of their fellow citizens: 

'' 'Mr.C'kandall: — If you go to your daughter's you are to be lined 
$100 for the first offense, $200 for the second, and double it every time. 
Mrs, Crandall, if you go there you will be fined, and your daughter. Al- 
mira, will be fined, and Mr. May and those gentlemen from Providence, 
(Messrs. George and Henry Benson) if they come here, will be fined at 
the same rate. And your daughter, the one that lias established the 
school for colored females, will be taken up the same way as for steal- 
ing a horse, or fi;r burglary. Her property will not be taken, but she 
will be put in jail, not having the liberty of the yard. There is no 
mercy to be shown al)Out it ' 

"Soon afterward, AHss Crandall was arrested and taken to jail. Her 
trial resulted in her release, but her establishment was persecuted by 
every ingenuity of cruel insult. She and her school were shut out from 
attendance at the Congregational church, and religious services held in 
her own house weie interrupted by volleys of rotten eggs' and other 
missiles. The Iiouse was then set on fire. The fire was extinguished, 
and in 1S34, on September the !)lh, just as the family was going to bed, 
a body of men surrounded the house silently, and then, with iron bar.*, 
simultaneously beat in the windows. This, of course, was too much 
for tlie poor woman and girls. Miss Crandall herself quailed before 



—44- 
this manifestation of ruffianly hatred, and the brave woman broke up 
her school and sent her pupils home Then the people held another 
town meeting and passed resolutions justifying themselves and praising 
the legislature for passing the law for which they had asked. 

"All this abominable outrage was perpetrated in the sober State of 
Connecticut within the easy memory of the writer of this article. It 
reads like a romance from the Dark Ages. Yet these people of Can- 
terbury were good people who were so much in earnest in suppressing 
what thej^ believed to be a great wrong, that they were willing to be 
cruel towar.i one of the best and bravest women in their State, and to 
resort to mol) violence to rid themselves of an institution whose only 
office was to elevate the poor black children who had little chance of 
elevation elsewhere. Now this outrage seems just as impossible to the 
people of Canterbury today as it does to us. The new generation has 
grown cle;in away from it, and grown awa}'^ from it so far that a 
school of liitle colored girls would, we doubt not, be welcomed there 
now as a praiseworthy and very interesting institution. The Con- 
necticut girls who go South to teach in colored schools should re- 
member or recall the time when they would not have l)een tolerated 
in tiieir work in their own State, and be patient with the social pro- 
scription that meets them today. When th6 white man learns that a 
'solid South,' made solid h\ shutting the negio from his vote, makes 
always a solid North, and that the solid North always means defeat, 
it will cease to be solid, and Ihe Negro's vote will be wanted by two 
parties, and his wrongs will be righted. In view of the foregoing 
sketch of Northern history, we can at least be charitable toward the 
South, and abundantly hopeful concerning the future." 

1 have made this quotation not to cast any reflection upon any sec 
tion of the North, or upon the Northern people, nor to, in any degree, 
atone for the sins and crimes of the people of the South But that the 
candid reader may see that the depravity of human nature is not 
confined to any one section or class. What the people of Canterbury 
Green did when actuated bv the prejudices of a lifetime, th*; people of 
the South have done impelled by the same feelings intensified by 



—45- 
the circumstances and conditions under which they were placed. Such 
conduct would not now be tolerated in the South, any more than in the 
North; yet, as Dr. Holland says, these were good, honest people who 
felt at the time that they were acting in self defense and protecting 
their families from an impending danger. 

The situation in the South was peculiarly trying. Four millions of 
suddenly emancipated Negroes were in idleness and utter destitution. 
Many among them were vicious and unscrupulous. Life and proi)erty 
were insecure and the people seemed unable to protect themselves or to 
restrain these droves of half-savage human beings. In this emergency 
they sought relief by enacting a system of laws which have been 
styled "the black codes." These laws were extreme and unjust. They 
created an intense prejudice in the North against the Southern people 
and gave rise to a party of extremely radical sentiments by whom the 
President's policy was severely criticised and strongly denounced. In 
the elections throughout the Northern States in the Fall of 18G5, the 
Republican party was victorious in almost every State. When the 
Thirty-ninth Congress convened in December the acts of the Southern 
States in reorganizing their governments under the President's plan of 
reconstruction were declared to be illegal. The Congressmen and Sen- 
ators were not allowed to take their '^eats in the National Congress. A. 
committee of tifteen — nine members from the House and six from the 
Senate — was appointed to inquiie into the condition of jiffairs in the 
so called Confederate States, and to report by bill or otherwise. It was 
agreed that until the report of the committee should be received and 
acted upon by both houses of Congress, that no member from said 
States should be received by either House. 

On the 18th of March, 18(56, Congress passed a bill known as the 
''Civil Rights Hill," which conferred upon the Negroes the same civil 
rights enjoyed by white men, except the right of suffrage. This bill 
was vetoed by President .Johnson but was afterwards adopted by a 
two-thirds vote in both Houses of Congress and became a law. It had 
become evident that the President's policy would not be sustained by 
Congress. But Mr. Johnson was firm and unyielding. He adhered 



—46— 
to his policy with tenacity. The relatious between him and Congress 
became so stiaiued that an open rupture was imminent. His course 
probably intensified the bitter feeling existing between the two sections 
and stimulated ihe Southern leaders to greater obstinacy. 

On the 30lh of April, rion. Thaddeus Stephens, Chairman of the 
committee to investigate tiie affairs in the Confederate States, submitted 
a report on behalf of his committee, which, after being slightly 
amended, was adopted. The President opposed the bill, but it finally 
passed by the required two-thirds vote and l)ecame a law. The follow- 
ing is the act known as the X[V Amendment to the Constitution: 

''Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States 
and subject to the jurisdiction thereof are citizens of the United States 
and of the States wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce 
any law wiiich shall abridge the privileges or immunities of the citizens 
of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, 
liberty, or properly without due process of law, nor deny to any person 
within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

"Sec. 2. Representatives shall be appointed among the several 
States according to their respective numbers, counting the whole number 
of persons in each State, excluding Indians not taxed. But when the 
right to vote at any election for choice of electors for President and 
Vice-President of the United States, representatives in Congress, the 
executive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the 
Legislature thereof, is denied to any of the male inhabitants of such 
Stale being twenty-one years of age and citizen of the United States, 
or in any wa}'^ abridged, except for participating in rebellion or other 
crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the pro 
portion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the 
whole number of m lie citizens twenty-one years of age in such State. 

"Sec. a. No person shall be a Senator or representative in Con- 
gress, or electoi" (»f President and Vice-President, or bold any office, 
civil or military, under l\\e United States, or under any State, who, 
having previously taken an oath as a member of Congress, or as an 
officer of the United Stutes, ox us a member of any Stnte J^egislature, 



—47— 
or as an executive or judicial of any State, to support the (Constitution 
of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion 
against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof ; but 
Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each House remove such 
disability. 

"Sec. 4, The validity of the public debt of the United States au- 
thorized by law, including debts incurred for payment of pensions, 
and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection or rebellion, shall 
not be questioned. But neither the United States, nor any State, shall 
assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or 
rebellion against the United Stales or any claim for the loss or emanci- 
pation of any slave; but all such debts, obligations and claims shall be 
held illegal and void. 

''Sec 5. The Congress shall have power to enforce by appropriate 
legislation the provisions of the Article.'' 

The committee at the same time reported a bill declaring that : 

"Whenever said amendment shrdl become part of the Constitution 
of the United States and any State lately in insurrection shall have rati- 
fied the same and shall have modified its Constitution and laws in con- 
formity therewith, such State shall be reinstated in the United States 
and be entitled to representatives in Congress." 

Tennessee was the only one of the seceded States that promptly 
complied with these conditions. On the 19th of July her legislature 
ratified the Fourteeqth Amendment to the Constitution and was duly ad- 
mitted into the Union. The remaining Southern Stales opposed the 
amendment by a large majority in their respective legislatures. 

When Congress assembled again in December, 1806, the conduct of 
the Southern States which had refused to comply with tlie conditions 
of the plan of reconstruction as prescribed by Congress was considered 
as a defiance to that body. In order, therefore, to compel them t(t sub- 
mit to these requirements these States were declared to be in a state of 
rebellion. They were divided into five districts, over each of which 
was placed a military officer. All State officials, executive, legislative. 



—48— 
and judicial, were removed . The writ of habeas corpus was suspended, 
aud the people were placed under absolute military rule. 

Military governments were soon established in these several dis- 
tricts, with armed troops stationed at convenient centers. The work 
was tedious and trying and was retarded by various causes. In the 
first place the Southern people were stubborn and did not submit to these 
humiliating conditions very gracefully. Immediately after the close of 
the war a number of Northern men came South in the hope of gaining 
a fortune by raising cotton, which at that time commanded an enormous 
price. Failing in this endeavor, the more ambitious among them 
sought political honors under the new conditions. They formed an al- 
liance with the Negroes and white Republicans, and by their united 
support were elected to the positions they sought. Some of these were 
honest, well-meaning men, but many were entirely void of the first 
principles of honor. Their acts were very offensive to the Southern 
people, wlio in derision, called them "carpet baggers," from the sup- 
position that the}' carried all their earthly possession with them in a 
carpet bag. No class of people are held in greater contempt by the 
masses in the South than the so-called 'carpet bagger '' Under his 
misrule and oppression many loyal men who had always supported the 
Union and had fought through the war under the Stars and Stripes," 
forsook the ranks of the Republican party and have since affiliated 
witii the Democrats thus constituting the "Solid South," 

The controversy between President Johnson and congress became 
more serious, and on the 3rd of March, 1868, articles of impeachment 
against him were prepared by the House of Representatives and the 
cause was remanded to thf^ Senate for trial Proceedings were begun 
before that body on the kord of that month, and continued until the 
26th of the following May, when the President was accndt ted. At 
length, realizing that there was no alternative, and that the Military 
Authority would remain in force until the conditions required by con- 
gress were complied with, and their civil governments were established, 
the people of these states undertook the task imposed upon them. Con- 
ventions were held in all of the Southern states, elections were conduc- 



—49— 
ted according to the law, constitutions were framed, submitted to the 
people, voted upon and approved. The Fourteenth Amendment to the 
Constitution was ratified in each state, and all the requirements of the 
Reconstruction act were complied with. The first to seek admission 
into the Union was Arkansas. A bill to admit this State to representa- 
tion in Congress was submitted on the 7th of May 1867. The bill 
passed both Houses with this condition attached: "The Constitution 
of Arkansas shall never be amended or changed so as to deprive 
any citizen, or class of citizens of the United States of the right to 
vote, who are entitled to vote by the constitution herein recognized ; ex- 
cept as punishment for swch crimes as are now felonious at common law, 
whereof they shall have been duly convicted under laws equally applic- 
able to all the inhabitants of said State." The act admitting Arkansas 
was soon followed by similar ones admitting North Carolina, South 
Carolina. Louisiana. Alabama, Georgia, and Florida, which were passed 
with all the above conditions. These bills were promptly vetoed by 
the President, but his veto was overruled by a very large majority in 
both houses. Thus eight of the rebellious states were remstated in their 
former positions in the National Grovernment. 

The readmission of Virginia, Mississippi and Texas was, by their 
own conduct, postponed until the winter of 1870 Virginia was ad- 
mitted the 26th of January, Mississippi on the 23rd of February and 
Texas on the 30th of March. 

In the reconstruction of Georgia after her legislature had complied 
with the requirements of Congress they decided that JNegroes were not 
entitled to serve as legislators or hold any office in that State. They 
accordingly expelled them from their seats and elected white men to 
fill the vacancies. The newly formed legislature then rejected the 
Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution. 

Congress on the 16th of December, 1869, passed an act declaring 
"That expulsion of any person from the legislature on the grounds of 
race, color, previous condition of servitude, is illegal and revolutionary 
an^/s hereby prohibited." 

The Senators and Representatives from Georgia were not allowed 



-50— 
to take their seats in the National Congress until her legislature had 
ratified the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution. 

Accordingly on the 20th of February, 1870, her legislature reas- 
sembled, the colored members resuming their seats. The Fifn-cnth 
Amendment to the Constitution was duly ratified and the Stale v\as 
finally admitted on the 15lh of July, 1870. 

Thus the great struggle which had continued for ten years was 
ended. 



The Race Problem. 



There are at present about eight millions of negroes in the United 
States, most of whom are in the South. They constitute nearly half 
of the population of this section, and in some of the States are in the 
majority. What is to be the future of this race and what relations are 
to exist between it and the white race are questions which today con- 
front the South and demand the attention of the thoughtful people of 
the nation To carry in peace upon the same soil two dissimilar races 
of equal civil and political privileges and of nearly equal numbers 
seems in the light of past history an impossibility. 

Seventy years ago Thomas Jefferson predicted that the slaves 
would be free, at the same time declaring that in his opinion the two 
races could not live together in peace. Mr. Everett, Mr. Clay and Mr. 
Webster entertained the same views, and declared that colonization 
alone could save the negro. They probably had in contemplation 
the gradual emancipation of a much smaller number of slaves. 

How much more complicated is the problem when we consider the 
fact that four millions of slaves were suddenly emancipated upon the 
receding wave of a prodigious civil war, and the freedmen immediately 
elevated to citizenship? Such a revolution, ai any time and in any 
country, would necessarily produce some evil results, temporarv if not 
permanent. The wonder is, that under the conditions then existing, it 
did not involve the nation in anarchy and ruin. The great danger to 
any people or cause is from the over zeal of friends or the hostility of 
enemies. Unfortunately for the negro, he has been exposed to the 
woi-Ft effects of both. Over-zealous and misguided friends instilled 
into the mind of the recently emancipated and enfranchised negro 
many erroneous and dangerous ideas. 

He was told that his labor had made the wealth of his master and 
that he was therefore entitled to at least a part of this property; that it 



—52— 

was the purpose of the government to apportion the same among them; 
that each negro man twenty-one years of age and over would receive 
about forty acres of land, a year's provisions and a mule. 

The ruling class being disfranchised, the negro was placed in au- 
thority. Within twelve months after his emancipation he dictated 
from the legislative halls the policy of twelve commonwealths. He 
was simply a child. He had little real appreciation of his freedom or 
just conception of the great responsibilities it laid upon him. He was, 
therefore, the tool of designing and unscrupulous white men, and soon 
became indolent, insolent and arrogant. Instead of the respectful de- 
meanor formerly manifested toward his old master and the white peo- 
ple m general, he now looked upon them as inferiors and treated them 
with impudence. Ladiies were even compelled to give up the side- 
walks and make their way as best they could through the muddy 
streets. Congregating in public places, they indulged in the most 
foolish and extravagant statements, made in boistorous tones, as to the 
privileges they were to enjoy and the wealth they were to possess. In 
his poetical nature these crude ideas were soon woven into rhymes, 
which became popular songs, and were sung by large congregations in 
their own peculiar melody. 

The Southern people are proud and impulsive. Notwithstanding their 
defeat and humilatiug poverty, they would not long submit to negro 
supremacy. I'heir tirst attempt at relief was by legal enactment. As 
one extreme usually follows another, these laws were unjust and even 
oppressive to the negro. The National Congress interfering, these laws 
were repealed, and the legal rights and privileges of the negro were re- 
stored. 

Chagrined by another defeat, and embittered by the taunts of their 
enemies and the insolence of the negroes, the more reckless among 
them were driven to desperation to save, as they felt, their liberty and 
credit Finding no redress in law, they resorted to the shameful and 
wicked device of Kukluxism. These Klans were organized in all of 
the SouthfM-n States, and in their secret raids, they committed many 
crimes and outrages, which all good people condemn and heartily de- 



—53— 
plore. So thoroughly was this institution organized, that, for a time, it 
delied both the military power and the laws of the government. At 
length the Federal government, aided and supported by the better ele- 
ment of the Southern people, put down this violent mob, and restored 
law and order. In the meantime, a majority of the white men of the 
South, regardless of political differences, mutually agreed that the intel- 
ligent and responsible class of citizens shall govern the affairs of their 
commonwealths. 

This is a brief statement of the problem with some of its complica- 
tions. 

What of its solution? Shall we deport these eight millions of ne- 
groes to Africa? If that were possible, it would probably be the 'sim- 
plest and quickest way of disposing of this responsible charge. But is 
it possible? And would it be right? In the first place, the negro is now 
a free moral agent and an American citizen. One of his inalienable 
rights is to reside where he pleases, so long as he obeys the laws of the 
government. 

The majority of them would not consent to this wholesale exodus. 
But suppose they were willing to go, it would bankrupt the nation to 
provide for tlieir passage, to colonize and maintain them, and besides, 
they are born faster than our ships could take them away. 

If, however, these difficulties could be overcome, Africa does not 
belong to us. What right have we to colonize a part of our citizens 
upon her soil? And how could we maintain and protect them if they 
were there? Without such maintenance and protection, they would 
either perish, be annihilated by savage tribes, relapse into the barbarity 
from which their ancestors were taken, or die of internal feuds. It is 
evident, therefore, that, under the existing circumstances, this plan is 
not to be considered. 

Shall we colonize them in some part of our own country? Tliose 
of us, who are at all familiar with the history of the American Indians, 
do not look upon this plan as a very feasible one. 

If we h.ive failed either to govern or protect a few thou.<3and 
Indians, wlio are constantly decreasing in number, what could we do 



—54— 
with eight millions of negroes, who double their population every thirty 
years? If their lands were of any value, unscrupulous white men 
would take them from them; if they were worthless, they would starve 
upon them. The moral force of the better element among them is not 
sufficient now, with the aid of the while people, to suppress and regu 
late the vicious and lawless among them. If left to themselves, they 
would be overwhelmed by the vagrant, indolent and vicious classes. 
If these eight millions of negroes could be diffused throughout the 
nation, the solution would seem easier, since there would not be 
enough of them, in any community, to form any appreciable faction 
in politics, nor disturb, seriously, the social relations of the people. 
The burden of their education would thus devolve upon a larger 
number and be easier borne. The people of the nation would be 
come better acquainted with their peculiar temperament, habits and 
needs, and thus be able to deal with them more intelligently and sue 
cessfully. But the negroes do not go West and I^orth in any very 
great numbers, for two reasons: 

First — the climate is too cold; second, the people work too hard. The 
great majority of them are in the south, and, from present indications, 
they will remain there. He and his white brother must solve this great 
question. Will they be able to meet it, and to deal with it in a wise and 
successful manner? God alone knows; the wisest of us cannot tell. 
But the weakest of us know^ full well, that they cannot do it without 
anything less than the confidence, s} mpathy and co-operation of their 
brethern of every section. To them, at present, the conditions are 
rather favorable : 

First — They understand each otlier's disposition and tempera- 
ment; for two hundred and seventy five years, they have been morein- 
timately associated than any two races have ever been. 

Second — Between them exists a friendly relation, which must be 
maintained and cultivated, for discord means ruin They must settle 
this question justly, wisely and righteously. To this great duty they 
are committed by every tie of honor and gratitude. There must be a 
just recognition of the services and obligations of each to the other. 



—55— 
The institution of slavery cannot be defended either upon economic 
or christian principles. But the blessings which came to the negro, 
either by virtue, or in spite of this institution, we must appreciate. 
Indeed, all the good there was in the institution, was for him. 

Concerning the ancestors of the American negro, there is, perhaps, 
less known than of any people in the world. Of various tribes, nation- 
alities and characteristics, as diverse, perhaps, as the various peoples of 
the European continent. Despite all the exploration and study in this 
direction, very little is known of the people of the " Dark Continent." 
Of those brought to America and sold into slavery, the great majority 
were bought or stolen from bondage in Africa. Their condition in 
their native country, was most wretched and hopless. Their savage 
masters were the most cruel and inhuman of any whose deeds have 
ever been recorded. Livingston says of African slavery, "It is the 
sum of all villanies. It is the open sore of the world," 

But how came the negro here, and why? I answer: First, — 
by the avarice of wicked men, who saw in this unholy traffic the 
promise of gain. Second, — in the providence of God, not sanc- 
tioning the deeds of these unholy men, but over-ruling their avar- 
icious greed to his glory, and the redemption of Africa's millions from 
pagan barbarity to civilization and Christianity. The only people in 
America, who are not, in any way, responsible for the introduction of 
slavery into this country, are the negroes themselves. 

That our fathers,, both in the North and the South, bought these 
poor victims from the English and Dutch slave dealers, and held them 
in bondage, is a fact, which, however much we may deplore, we cannot 
obliterate. But no one of us is directly responsible for the institution. 
It was established in this country nearly two hundred years before the 
oldest inhabitant, now living, was born, and was abolished while the 
present generation were yet in their cradles. It was, evidently, a great 
detriment to the white people of the nation. Especially is this true of 
the South, which sufP'TS, today, in many ways from the blight of its 
withering curse. That the North was saved from these disastrous re- 
sults, by an earlier abolition of the system, we all rejoice. 



—se- 
lf the whole nation had suffered from this institution, as has the 
south, what an incalculable loss to the world! How it must have re- 
tarded the progress of civilization! 

Moreover, if slavery had proven as profitable in the northern states, 
as it did in the South, the probability is that, in the frailty of our hu- 
man nature, we would not have been able to exterminate the evil from 
our great national system. The doom of slavery was sealed in the 
south, the moment it was banished from the North. But of the crime 
of slavery, the sins of bad men who introduced it mto this country, 
or of the mistakes of our fathers, who perpetuated and handed it down 
to their children, we Have not to deal. God, in his divine wisdom and in 
his own time, placed upon it his eternal edict, which not only ban- 
ished it from our own land, but must, sooner or later, drive it from the 
face of the earth. With the dead issues of the past, let it rest in its 
grave. The questions which concern this generatiou lie this side of 1S()5, 

We shall, however, be incompetent to deal successfully with the 
questions which concern the negro, without some knowledge of his for- 
mer history, and a just recognition of the providence of God in dealing 
with him during the years of his tutelage and discipline. 

In the history of the world, no nation has ever sprung, at a single 
bound, from barbarism into civilization, or been permitted to come into 
the enjoyment of free and successful government, without tirst being 
subjected to a period of discipline and tutelage. 

We read in the old Bible, the early history of a race, which is, to- 
day, the wonder of civilized men. For two thousand years, without 
a country or government, scattered to the four quarters of the earth, 
persecuted by every people, yet they have preserved their identity, main 
tained their faith and adhered to their doctrines. 

The foundation of this nation was laid in the deep humiliation and 
painful servitude of Egyptian bondage. The tutelage of four hundred 
years in this slavery has made the Jews a distinct and peculiar people 
for all time. 

Again, to the Puritan Fathers, belongs, in a large measure, the suc- 
cess and glory of the new world. Their loyal patriotisni and phristiaa 



—57— 
fidelity stamped upon this governmeat the characteristics which have 
been the elements of its success. These noble elements were born in 
adversity and developed through generations of persecution in the old 
world. 

American slavery was a charity school, contrasted with the awful 
desolation and decimation of the centuries of war and grinding tyranny, 
by which every European people has come up to its present status of 
civilized life. 

Less than three hundred years ago, the ancestors of the American 
negro roamed as pagan savages in the jungle of Africa. What a pro- 
digious change has been wrought in him, durmg this brief period! At 
the end of two hundred and seventy-five years, he was found farther 
out of the woods of barbarism, than any other race at the end of one 
thousand years. Tiiis marvelous growth can only be accounted for by 
the fact thai, during these years, he was not only sheltered from the 
sword, famine and pestilence, to which every other civilized people 
have been subjected during the period of infancy and youthful develop- 
ment, but was also brought in contact with ihe upper strata of a high- 
ly civilized people. In this relation, he learned the four fundamentals 
of civilization: 

First, — The art of systematic labor. No civilized people can live 
without industry. The science of industry can only be mustered, and 
its arts acquired by steady application. His servitude afforded the ne- 
gro the opportunity of developing both. By this knowledge, he is able 
to subdue forests, build houses, cultivate fields, sow, reap, and store 
away for future use, the products of his labor. 

Second,— {Self restraint and the customs of civilized life The dis- 
cipline of his master taught him the meaning of law and to respect ati- 
thority. He came in contact with civilized life under the very best 
conditions, his master and his family representing the best civilization, 
the highest culture and the truest refinement. And since the negro 
was of great value, it was to their interest to guard his physical and 
moral nature against all possible harm. He, therefore, not only readily 
adjusted himself to the delicate and difficult requirements of civilized 



—58— 
life, but, under these conditions, developed a stronger physical consti- 
tution and .was comparatively free from dissipations. 

Third, — To speak the English language — the language of hope and 
liberty, the language of the best civilizition, tlie best system of science, 
the best literature, laws, and religion of the world; a language which 
is destined to dominate the world; in which is to be embodied and pre- 
served, the best thought of the past, present and future inventors, dis- 
coverers and investigators; a language in which the christian world is 
to teach, preach, sing and pray as long as time endures. To be able to 
speak this language, is a- long step toward civilization. He was thus 
fitted to enter the .school of higher study, the day he was emancipated. 

Fourth, — And, greatest of all, he learned to understand ( in a meas- 
ure, at least,) and to apply to his nature, the religion of the Lord Jesus 
Christ. He knew little of dogmas and doctrines, but he understood 
and enjoyed many of the practical benefits of this religion. In iiiany 
homes, he joined the family in their daily worship and attended, with 
them, the public service at the church on the Sabbath. The pastor of 
the master's family was not unmindful of the slaves on the plantation. 
More than a half million of them were enrolled as members of the var- 
ious religious denominations, at the beginning of the war. It is claim- 
ed, upon good authority, that among the four millions, there was not an 
infidel nor a skeptic. 

At the end of their bondage, they knew more of civilization nnd 
Christianity than the two hundred millions of Africa know today. Ex- 
cept in Louisiana, and a few of the larger cities, they were devoted to 
the protestant faith. The religious conviction of the negro was the 
great secret of his fidelity to the defenseless women and children of the 
South, during the perilous years of the eivil war. There were often as 
many as five hundred negroes to a single white man. Without master 
or overseer, these black batallious marched to and from the fields, slept 
at night as faithful sentinels at tlie door of the mansion, nursed the 
children and the sick, and, through these dusky ranks, the unprotected 
women and children \valked 'in perfect safety. Such devotion and 
fidelity are unparalleled in the history of the world. Had '• Uncle 



—50— 

Tom's Cabin" portrayed the rule, rather than the exception, this could 
not have been possible. For this untiring devotion, this heroic tidelity 
and this christian kindness, the South owes to the negro a debt of 
everlasting gratitude. When the negro had ieained these tour funda- 
mentals, viz: First, — the art of systematic labor; second, — self re- 
straint, and the customs of civilized life; Ihird, — to speak ihe English 
Imguage; fourth— the pruiciples of Christianity, God opened unto him 
a broader door and laid upon him graver responsibilities. 

But ihe mission of the Aif.erican people, to this child of the sun, 
did not cease with his emancipation. In fact, it had just begun. His 
former teachers — tlie old masters — were too poor to give him any fur- 
ther assistance. Their property was swept away, as with a flood, their 
homes were in ashes and their educational S3^stem was entirely wrecked. 
They were not able to educate their own children. If it be urged that 
they had little disposition to educate the children of their former slavt^s, 
I answer, — they could not, at that time, realize the importance of such 
a duty. I doubt if any people, trained and situated as they were, would 
have acted differt^ntly or have manifested a better spirit. The experi- 
ment has never been tried — history affords no parallels. 

The people of the North, however, were richer at the close of the 
war than when it began Fortunately, they were as willing as they 
were able to take up tiiis great vvoriv where their brethren of the South 
had laid it down. 

Happy would it have been, if each could have understood the other and 
if both could have looked upon the great work before them in the calm, 
unbiased light of reason and christian charity. Few of the Northern 
people were able to realize that the people of the South had done any- 
thing toward enlightening and christianizing the ue^ro. Moreover, the 
great mass of them overestimated his iutL-lligence and ability. They 
sought to promote him to positions for which he was in no way fitted 
and to enforce upon the white people conditions and relations to which 
no Anglo-Saxon peop'e would willingly submit. The Southern peo- 
ple, in their humiliating condition, were illy disposed to give the negro 
justice or to recognize the christian philanthropy of their breth- 



—00— 
ren of the North. Many of the missionaries sent by the Northern 
churches to teach the negroes of the South, were noble men and women 
whom the Southern people would h.ave been glad to welcome nnd en- 
courage. But among them, unfortunately, were some who were wli I'y 
unworthy of the noble ciuse which they championed. Tlieir conduct 
was very unbecoming, uncivil and unwise. They grossly misrepre- 
sented those who sent them and did themselves, their friends, the cause, 
the nation and the negro, unspeakable harm, which it has required 
good men and women many years to overcome. The Southern people 
were not without fault m the matter. They were hasty in their conclu- 
sions and withheld their sympathy and support from many who were 
worthy of both. In fact, neither parly manifested a very great degree 
of forbearance or christian charity; and as Bishop Haygood has filly 
said: — ''We have gone on throwing mud at each other to the wrath of 
God, the disgust of good men and the delight of the devil." 

But a better day has dawned. The missionaries have learned wis- 
dom by experience The Southern people have learned discrimination 
by broader knowledge. Both have learned many important and useful 
lessons from the experience of these year.<5. Among them is: — First, 
that while the negro is entitleil to all the rights and privileges of Amer- 
ican citizenship, he is not fitted for the high positions of statesmanship, 
and has, as yet, little place in politics He is too young and has had too 
little experience to be succe.esfnl in this great field. He has little claim 
upon the people in this direction. The white people own ninety-one 
per cent of the wealtli of the South and are at the head of all the indus- 
trial and commercial enterprises of the country. It is but natural that 
they should feel that they are entitled to rule the affairs of their com- 
monwealths. Every effort upon the part of the negro to assume the 
reins of government will be stubbornly opposed by the white people, 
and will intensify prejudice against him. He is well situated and 
enjovR higher privileges than any alien race ever enjoyed among an 
enlightened people. As a kind Providence has led him through the 
dark and humiliating periods of his history he may well trust that 
Providence for the future. He has before him a broad field of useful 



—Gl- 
and remunerative employment He must be content to grow in the 
natural way. To this conclusion, thinking people, irrespective of party 
or locality, have arrived. Whether the over-zeul of his friends, 
the hostility of his enemies, or the conduct of the negro himself has 
contributed most to this conclusion, is a matter of conjecture. I am 
here reminded of a little incident which illustrates this fact : 

A negro man had bought a bushel of corn from one of his white 
neighbors, for which he agreed to pay in work the next day. Another 
neighbor, however, offering him the money for his labor upon that 
particular day, he went and worked for him. Neighbor number one 
meeting him shortly afterward, accosted him with, " Say, Willis, didn't 
you promise to come and work for me last Wednesday ?" 

"Yes, boss; but you see Mr. Smith sent for me, and I went and 
ho'ped him " 

'"But was it the honorable thing to do, after having promised to 
work for me ?" 

" No, sah, don't think it was, zackly." 

'• What made you do it. then V 

" You see, boss, I wasn't the man I tuck myse'f to be." 

The fact is, the negro is not the man that any of us took him to be. 
Whatever else he may become, he can never be an imitation white 
m in. He must develop upon original lines; he must be himself; he has 
a mission and a destiny; in time he will tind both. 

He has developed faculties, manifested foresight, and practiced 
industry and economy, of which his former master thought him incap- 
able. He is beginning to buy lands, to build homes, to accumulate 
property and to educate and train his children. This is one of the 
most hopeful features of the problem. It will, identify him with the 
community and make liis interests common with those of other men. 
It will make him a more patriotic citizen, and lend to greater discrimi- 
nation in casting his ballot. It will constitute him the strongest police 
against the vicious and vagrant of his own race. It will enable him to 
provide, in some measure, for his own poor and helpless, instead of 
allowing them to become a tax upon the community. It will greatly 



—02 — 
promote in him virtue, industry, ambition. Tlie land owner in any 
community, wluilcver his color, is a more desirable citizen than a tenant. 

The negro himself has 'earned that the only bounty he can expect 
is that which comes as a reward of honest endeavor. He no longer 
indulges tlie fond illusion of " Forty acres and a mule.' He is begin- 
ning to learn that from neither political party is there reason to hope 
that he will receive any great amount of the spoils. He is, therefore, 
coming to place loyalty to the government above loyalty to party; patri- 
otism above parlisanism. Second. — All have learned that the time ele- 
ment is a prime factor in this problem. The convictions of a life time 
are not uprooted in a day. 

The change in the opinions and sentiments of the Southern people 
within the last thirty years is one of the marvels of history. The 
growth of these new ideas has been slow; but the general analogy of 
nature shows that fine growths often require much time to mature. If 
this growth had been more rapid, the fruits might not be so permanent 
nor the convictions as deeply rooted The light of knowledge and the 
warmth of sj'mpathy have accomplished far better results than power 
and force could have wrought. Instead of opposing this work, the 
Southern people are now giving to it their heartiest support. As early as 
1882 in (.'harleston, S. C, the largest public school for colored children, 
with its fifteen hundred students, was officered by a Southern brigadier, 
with a full corps of women teachers of native birth, representing good 
families in that city. In many of the Southern cities, largely in Balti- 
more, Richmond and New Orleans, the higher public schools for negro 
children are taught by women of Southern birth and training. 

Finally we have learned the absurdity of insisting upon either ne- 
gro supremacy or negro suppression, and haVe come to recognize in the 
broader and wiser policy of negro education, the true formula for the 
sohuion of this great problem. The education of the negro involves 
ihe whole question of republican civilization. Upon it depends the 
success of free labor, free government and the higher questions of 
social, mental and religious progress of the whole nation. If within the 
next quadrenuium he can be rei^sonably trained, in the education of th^ 



—68— 
bead, the hand and the heart, he will find his own place in our great re- 
public, and will no doubt be instrumental in some way in civilizing and 
christianizing Ethiopia's helpless millions. Otherwise the thinking peo- 
ple of every section must have a profound concern for the woes that 
threaten every interest of our great nation. The work of education 
among the negroes was properlv begun by the Northern people early in 
the sixties. There had been a movement inaugmated by them in 
Washington thirty years before the war. Enrly i i the war the national 
forces came in possession of a large district along the Southern Atlan- 
tic Coast, the city of New Orleans, the valley of the Mississippi as far 
up as Vicksburg, and a portion of Tennessee. 

Into the.=e districts a number of vagrant negroes was collected which 
greatly encumbered the military operations at these critical points. As 
early as September, 1801, the American Missionary Association, repre- 
senting the Evangelical Congregational Church, opened a school for 
the contrabands at Hampton, Va. Others were soon organized at 
Hilton Head and at Beauford, S, C. In June, 18(i2, Uiere were eighty- 
six teachers — sent principally from Boston and New York -at work in 
these districts. General Rufus Saxton was appointed general superin- 
tendent of the work in the Carolinas. In March, 1802, the American 
Tract Society opened a school at Washington, D. C, wiiich grew rap- 
idly'. In 1864 it had enrolled more than two hundred students. Early 
in 1862 teachers were sent into Tennessee. The work had assumed 
such proportions in 1863 that General U S. Grant appointed the Rev. 
John Eaton, of New Hampshire, a teacher of experience and of great 
executive ability, to the general superintendency of tiie work among 
the colored people throughout the operations of the Federal army. He 
had at his disposal a number of teachers and assistants. In 1866 there 
were enrolled in these schools, in four state.'*, seven hundred and sev- 
enty thou.«;nnd students of various ages. The work was maintained in 
part by the National Government. The negroe* paid of their own 
scanty earnings nearly a quarter of a million of dollars for the education 
of themselves and their children. The churches of the North contrib- 
uted largely to the work both in money and teachers. 



—64— 

In 1865 the government organized a " Freedman's Bureau," which 
for seven years with General O. O. Howard as superintendent, was the 
central agency through which the government and the various organiz 
ations in the North and in foreign lands contributed to this great work. 
Between January the 1st, 1865, and August the 31st, 1871, this Board 
expended in this work $3,700,000 of cash, and $1,500,000 of other do- 
nations, making a total of $5,200,000. W'iththe close of this Board the 
direct aid of congress in this work ceased, A number of appropriations 
in the way of government lands, military property, etc., have been 
made from time to time. 

Since 1870 the various religious denominations in the North have 
given largely to this work. Also a number of individual philanthropists, 
among whom are Mr. Peabody, Mr. Slater, Mr. Gammond, Mr. Hand. 
Mr. Philander Smith, Mrs. Heraenway, Senator McMillan, Mr. Rocke- 
feller, and many others whose names are familiar to the reading public. 
In all the nation, various boards, churches and individuals have given 
to this great work about $20,000,000, an amount worthy of a noble 
people. The amT)unt contributed directly to this work by individuals 
and societies in the South has not been so large. 

In the first place the people have not been able, and in the next 
place they4iave been struggling to rebuild their institutions, to redeem 
their homes and to educate their own children. Since 1868, however, 
the South in maintaining the sixteen thousand public schools for the 
education of the colored children, has expended about $50,000,000, or 
more than twice as much as all other agencies combined. 

The colored people are doing what they can to educate themselves. 
They now support seven colleges, seventeen academies and fifty high 
schools, in which are enrolled thirty thousand students. There are at 
present one million and five hundred thousand of their children in the 
public schools. Two millions five hundred thousand of them are able 
to read. 

Despite all that, has been done it appears that less than one third of 
the negroes of the United States are able to read. The statistics show 
that illiteracy is actually increasing among them. We are now enter- 



—65- 
ing upon the most critical period of his education. As is the case In 
the education of every illiterate people wants accumulate more rapidly 
than the capacity for supplying them is developed. He needs most of 
anything now to increase his producing faculties the ability to earn suf- 
ficient to meet his ever-increasing wants. He must learn that every 
good man is not called to preach; that every educated man may not be 
competent to teach Neither may every shrewd and logical debater 
win success at the bar. Instead of pressing his way into these over- 
crowded profe>sions, in which his chances of success are but meagre, 
he might turn his attention toward the diversitied mdustries in which a 
broad and remunerative tield awaits him. Thus far his education has 
not been of the practical benefit to him that his friends had anticipated 
and hoped for. While there is in the South a growing demand for 
skilled labor, few of the negn)es have developed a capacity for those 
positions. They constitute only one-tenth of tlie skilled workmen of 
the South. They therefore crowd the ranks of common labor, reduc 
ing wages and leaving many unemployed to become idle, vagrant and 
criminals. To them every line of traeie and industry is open. Social 
pn'judice, race inequality and kindred questions form no barrier in this 
way in any of these lines 

In fact, in every line of industry or business they receive such sup- 
port and patronage from the best class of white people as their merits de- 
mind. Although the Southern people do not accept the social equality 
theory, they are willing to accord to the negro equal rights and privi- 
lege in all lines of business and enterprise. No class of people have a 
deeper interest in their welfare or more patience with their vices and 
shortcomings. 

Dr. Mayo, of Boston, who is considered the Horace Mann of this 
qiiadrennium, having spent the last twenty years in travel and study in 
his ministry of education in the sixteen Southern States, sajs upon this 
subject : 

•' I am struck with this feature of southern society. The constant 
working together for good of the better classes of both races in all com- 
munities. The outrages of a drunken rabble upon a negro settlement 



—66- 
Is published to the world, while the Constant intercourse of the better 
classes of men of the two races that prevents a thousand such outbreaks 
and makes southern life on the whole, orderly, like the progress of the 
seasons and hours, goes on in silence. It is not necessary to project the 
social question into the heart of communities in this state of transition. 
The very zealous brethren of the Press and the Political Fold, who 
are digging this last ditch of social caste away out in the wilderness, 
half a century ahead of any emergency, may be assured that nobody in 
the United States will ever be compelled to associate with people 
disagreeable to him. 

"And as Thomas Jefferson suggested : 'If we educate the children 
of to-day, our descendants will be wiser than we, and many things 
which seem impossible to us, may be easily accomplished by them.' 

" But the question is ofcen asked : * Have the negro's morals im- 
proved in proportion to his intellectual development ?' In the great 
mass of negroes, morality is at a very low state. Honesty, truthfulness 
and industry are far more prevalent among the older negroes than in 
the younger generation. While crimes which were entirely unknown 
among the slaves, and are quite rare among the older negroes, are 
alarmingly common among the j'ounger class. To use the language 
of Aunt Racha<"l, an honored domestic in our family : ' Heap of dese 
young niggers mighty triiliu'.' The great crime of crimes for winch 
so many unfortunate wretches have been lynched in the South during 
the last few years is increasing at an alarming rate." 

This is the most perplexing phase of the Race Problem. As Hon. 
Chas. H. Smith, in the "Forum,'' for October, 1893, very forcefully 
says: " This is the great National Problem; more vital than silver or 
gold, or the tariff." Terrible as has been the punishment for this 
crime, it has not lessened, in any degree, its occurrence. Wicked and 
dangerous as mob violence is, and worthy of the strongest denuncia- 
tions, the indiscriminate censure of platform and press, w})ile intended 
to assert that one crime, however heinous, does not justify the commis- 
sion of another, has without doubt, been construed by this class of ne- 
groes as an expression of sympathy for the victim, without any con- 



— G7— 
demnation of his crime. With our present jury system it has been very 
difficuU to convict a vicious negro of any heinous crime since his allies 
combine and testify in his favor. Our courts must be reformed; the 
ISiW must be enforced; the testimony of such a character, be be black 
or white, should not be weighed against that of a virtuous woman or an 
honest man. Bishop Haygood has suggested that in his opinion, the 
best remedy for this evil is the education of the negro, since the better 
educated are rarely guilty of this crime. 

I most heartily endorse the Bishop's remedy and am persuaded that 
the education must be upon a different line from that pursued during 
the last twenty-five years. Thus far little success has been achieved iu 
developing the negro's moral nature, without which his education has 
proven a curse to him. This education in many instances has not made 
him a more industrious and competent laborer, but, upon the other 
hand, has created in him an aversion to manual labor. He has, there 
fore, become first a "dude," then a vagrant, and lastly, a criminal — 
taking with him in this downward course many others, for the edu- 
cated young man has a great influence over his comrades and friends. 
He*needs belter teachers of his own race, trained for their work iu Nor- 
mal schools. Also Industrial schools for the training of the hand in all 
useful trades and arts, and to cultivate the spirit of industry and a res- 
pect for manual labor. There should be cooperation of the better 
element of both races in suppressing crime and the proper enforcement 
of law. 

There should be better regulations in state prisons. The present 
lease system of convicts should be abandoned. Reformatory schools 
and houses of correction should be established and maintained with 
proper regulations instead of sending young criminals to prisons with old 
and hardened offenders, where they soon develop these evil tendencies 
and become hopeless wrecks. 

There should be less sectional spirit, political strife and denomina- 
tional prejudice on the part of the people of the whole nation. A more 
systematic and thorough co operation among all the workers. Let the 
people of every section, the North, the South, the East and the West, 



-68— 
laying aside all political and sectional jealousies, arise in the disunity of 
their manhood and womanhood, and brim? to this great work of build- 
ing up this race, which, God in his providence, has commilted to our 
care. And let the Nation from its great treasury assist in plHiiinir and 
maintaining institutions for the education and development of these 
eight millions of citizens, and thus fit them for the high position to 
which it has exalted them and to qualify them for the great responsi- 
bility of American citizenship. To this great work we are committed 
for the s fety of our people and the success of our institutions. 

Let the negro realize that the ultimate success of this great work 
must depend upon his own endeavor. No one can do for him what he 
can do for himself. Let him seek to improve his condition rather than 
to elevate his position. Let him write Negro with a capital N, 8nd 
endeavor to make it the name of a race that shall be worthy of respect 
and honor throughout the world. Let him remember that God has 
placed between the races a disiinction which cannot be bridged by the 
statutes of men. That in accordance with this Divine ordinance, each 
must walk in that integrity of race in which God has created him. And 
while each must enjoy equal civil and religious rights, and the protec- 
tion of personal property, to the Anglo-Saxon, at present, belongs the 
right ro rule. 

For two thousand years his march has been onward. In every con- 
flict with an alien race, his supremacy has been established. During 
the centuries of agitation and strife which have convulsed the Old 
World, his achievements have gilded the pages of history, and given 
triumph to truth and justice. From the time of Alfred the Great he 
has been developing the elements which have enabled him to construct 
upon the virgin soil of the New World a theater for his grandest 
achievements, and to build here a Republic which is to-day the wonder 
and admiration of the civilized world. Can a race with such a histDry, 
having bought its liberties at such a price, and having reached its pres 
ent state of development through so many centuries of patient struggle; 
can a race so constituted surrender its supremacy or give away its birth- 
right to an alien race ? If gijcU a thing were possible, the Providence 



—69— 
of God in so dealing with it would be in vain; the history, experience 
and achievements of its noble ancestor would be of no value. And it 
would be unworthy of respect and justly merit the condemnation of 
the world. 

This is not a sectional question. It is a question of races. From 
the pine forests of Maine to the Everglades of Florida; from the placid 
shores of the Pacific to the storm -swept coasts of the Atlantic, its claims 
have been asserted and its truth heroically defended. Never before has 
the white race been divided upon the rights of an alien race. The In- 
dian — the rightful owner of this soil— the Chinaman, with his oriental 
civilization and culture, have been compelled to give place to this dom- 
inating Anglo-Saxon race. 

To the negro, and to him alone, has been accorded the right to re- 
main and C'ljoy with us the inheritance which we value above every 
other gift. To him we open wide the door of our richest treasures. To 
him we guarantee the full and free enjoyment of all the rights and priv- 
ileges which are ours. We pledge to him equal justice and full protec- 
tion under the laws of our government. To all of these privileges and 
conditions the South cheerfully assents and pledges to their fulfillment 
the honor of her citizens. But in so doing she msists that she shall be 
regarded as a loyal factor of this great nation, and that her citizens are 
worthy and honorable members of this great Anglo-Saxon family. That 
while she is striving with honest motive, inadequate means and despite 
all the precedents of history to solve the greatest question ever laid upon 
human hearts; wiiether she succeed or fail in this endeavor, she shall be 
assured of the confidence, sympathy and approval of her brethren of 
every section. 



The New South. 



Imagine a country of evergreen mountains, verdant hills, broad 
valleys, gurgling springs, crystal streams, wide plantations of fertile 
fields, waving with golden grain or white with fleecy cotton palatial 
homes, elegant churche-, schools and colleges, inhabited by an intelli- 
gent, cultured people, endowed with every comfort and luxury that 
civilization can demand or wealth can buy, and you, in dim outline 
have s-me idea of the "Ante-Belhim iSouth." 

Turn into this country three millions of armed soldiers, with all 
that pertains to an army, let them be arrayed into hostile battle lines to 
kill, burn and destroy with general havoc. Convert these verdant hills 
into forts, these plantations into battletields, and these beautiful valleys 
into sepulchres for the dead. Crimson these crystal streams with 
human blood, and strew their banks with the bones of men, who, in 
childhood's happy hours had gathered wild flowers along these self same 
verdant turfs, reduce the^e palatial homes to ashes, leaving their tall 
and blackened chimneys to tell the woeful tale of desolation and ruin; 
strip this cultured and refined people of their wealth and turn them out 
into this desolate and wasted land to begin in poverty the struggle for 
existence. This in turn is a true picture of the South when General Lee 
surrendered his forces at Appomatox. 

The whole country was in a state of ruin. Cities were vast heaps 
of ashes and charred rubbish. Plantations were houseless and fence- 
less. Every line of industry and business was prostrated. The actual 
loss of property at a very low estimate exceeds five billions of dollar>, or 
more than twica the amount expended by the National Government. 
Before the war the South was considered the richest section of the 
Nation. At its close it was bankrupt. In her extreme poverty the 
South had to maintain and deal with four millions of emancipated and 
recently enfranchised negroes under the most embarrassing conditions. 



-72- 
In the legislative hall of each of these States, laws were eDacted by men, 
who, only a few months previous had toiled as slaves upon their plan- 
tations. Armed soldiers, many of whom did not manifest a very chris- 
tian spirit toward their conquered enemies, were stationed at couvenient 
centers to see that these laws were enforced. This unwise policy created 
amoDg the iSouthero people an intense prejudice against the negro and 
his political advisers, which culmiiialed in the (trganizHtion of Kuklux 
Klans, whose depredations and outrages added confusion to the existing 
embarrassment. 

In rebuilding court houses, jails and other public property, States, 
counties, cities and towns were compelled to incur heavy debts, which 
increased their taxes and added to their heavy burdens. The farmers 
were utterly destitute. In order to stock their farms and to obtain 
supplies they were compelled to mortgage their future crops to the 
merchants. 

The few bales of cotton produced in the South at the close of the 
war were sold ia the markets at an enormous price. This stimulatfid 
the farmers to plant their entire acreage in this crop, and gave the local 
merchant a large bill of credit in the East. But the price of coiton 
rapidly declined, while the cost of supplies greatly increased. The 
farmer, having once mortgaged his crop to the merchant, became virt- 
ually his slave. The decline in the price of cotton so lessened his reve- 
nues that, he was unable to pay for the supplies already consumed. He 
was, thefore, compelled to renew the mortgage from year to year, the 
merchant charging him an unreasonable rate of interest. When the 
farmer awoke to the realization of his situation, and saw that his only 
salvation lay in raising his own supplies, he was coolly informed that 
any reduction in the acreage of his cotton crop would lessen in the same 
degree his line of credit. 

Under these embarrassing conditions the farming interests of the 
South have recuperated very slowly. How did they get out of this pre- 
dicament ? Those who got out at all, did so barely "by the skin of their 
teeth." By cutting off every expenditure that could- possibly be dis- 
pensed with, by resurrecting the spinning wheel and the loom, men, 



-73- 
women and children wearing home-spun clothing, dyed with bark, by 
planting here and there a patch of wheat or corn, as the conditions of 
their credit would allow, by every man doing the work of two, and by 
the farmers combining their meagre fund.« in judicious and co-operative 
buying, thus reducing the price of supplies and saving the heavy inter- 
est. Thus, step by step, they have gradually climbed up the steep hill- 
side until many of them are able to pay off tiieir mortgages and to raise 
their own supplies. The majority of Southern farmers now raise their 
own supplies, and are exporting large quantities of grains, fruits, vege- 
tables, poultry and eggs. Their cotton crop has also increased from 
4,352,317 bales in 1870 to 9.850.000 in 1894. Notwithstanding this 
general prosperity many of the farmer? of the South are virtually Peons 
of the merchants. This condition is not the result of either indolence 
pr incompetency so much as of the circumstances and disadvantages 
under which they have labored. Perhaps no class of men have been 
less understood or more unjustly criticised. 

POPULAR EDUCATION. 

The subject of Popular Education was not a popular theme in the 
Old South The matter was often discussed by tier leading citizens. 
Thomas Jefferson was the most prominent advocate of tliis policy. As 
early as 1820 he submitted to the people of his native state a plan whtch 
embraced a complete system of Common Schools and Academies, with a 
Universit}^ as a crowning feature. He failed, however, to carry out any 
partof his excellent plan except the University. Very little opportunity 
was therefore afforded the masses of obtaining even a moderate educa- 
tion. The four years of war completely wrecked the existing school 
system, and during this time the children of all classes were practically 
without school facilities At the close of the war every line of industry 
was so completely prostrated that it seemed impossible for the people in 
their poverty to save their children from the doom of ignorance. The 
majority of Southern men were so absorbed by the problems of self- 
support, the adjustment of industries and the humiliations and exasper- 
ations of reconstruction that they could give Jiltle attention to any 
thing else. 



When General Robert E. Lee bade farewell to his men at Appo- 
tnatox, saying, " Let us go home and cultivate our virtues,'' and v^^hen 
he quietly assumed the presidency of Washington College and began to 
labor for the education and upbuilding of the ymith of his State, he 
touched the key note of higher civilization in these sixteen states, and 
became an illustrious object-lesson of the great need of his country. 
Many of the surviving military men all over the South followed the 
example of their noble and venerated commander. They were gradu- 
ates from West Point or other leading colleges, and were found every 
where from Deleware to Texas as lea-lers of the new educational move- 
ment. But the great burden of this work rested upon the educated wom- 
en, many of them the widows, sisters and daughters of the most eminent 
men of the Old South. They now came to the front to take charge of 
the schools for the education of the masses No class of excellent 
women ever more readily adjusted themselves to the situation or more 
wortiiily met the demands upon them than did these noble women in 
the school rooms of the South during these years of trial and struggle. 
At length, however, the men of the South, recovering themselves from 
the confusion and humiliation of defeat, stimulated by tlic heroism of a 
few leaders and this company of faithful women, began to rebuild their 
institutions and to redeem their country from the ravages of war and 
the perils of ignorance. 

A complete system of public schools was organized in all of these 
States, taxes were levied and the funds used in educating the white and 
colored children, without distinction. Although the white people pay 
ninety one per cent, of the taxes, in each of these States the children of 
both races share equally the public fund. Thus a fund wliich would be 
ample for a ten months' school for one race is barely sufficient for a five 
months' terra for two. 

Never did the people undertake a more prodigious task with so 
little means; their school population has more than trebled since 1800, 
wliile the census of 1S!)0 shows that after thirty years of recuperation 
their taxable property is barely wliat it was at that time. The better 
classes can well take care of their own children, but they must also pro- 



— to — 
vide for the great mass of non-tax-pay iog white people and the millions 
of negroes. Such a mass of people left to grow up in ignorance would 
curse any country and blight the prospect of any people. Tlie burden 
is lieavy and the leverat^e is short, but its poudei'ous weight must be 
carried. The work of educating the masses is no little undertaking in 
any country, jMassachusetts began to educate her people two hundred 
and tifty years ago, and has stuck to it more persistently than any other 
Stale in the Unioo, yet the statistics show that in 1S80 there were one 
hundred thousand people in that great commonwealth who could not 
read and write. Public education began in the South less than twenty- 
five years ago. Its fruits have not yet had sufficient lime to develop 
and mature. 

DIVERSIFIED INDUSTRIES. 

When we compare the existing curreats of thought and action of 
the New South with that which prevailed in this section before the war, 
we see that, although the dealings of Providence have been mysterious, 
and at times trying, yet in them a'l there has been the kindest mercy 
and the most bounteous goodness. Never in ihe liistory of the world 
did an enlightened, intelligent people suffer a greater humiliation or a 
more complete overthrow than did the people of the Southern States 
during the past great revolution. Never did a people endure with 
greater fortitude and christian resignation such piivations and trials. 
And never did a people arise from their poverty and loss with more 
rapidity and success. 

In the convulsions of war the Old South was slain and was buried 
amid the devastations of the battletield. Her tomb was shrouded with 
a pall like the gloom of midnight. Her few surviving children were too 
poor to provide spices with wliich to embalm her body or flowers with 
which to deck her grave. Willi a filial devotion they anointed her life- 
less remains with the tears of simple grief and inscribed her noble 
epitaph upon the enduring tablet of memory's fadeless page. 

But death is not an eternal sleep. The grave is not the goal of life. 
Nations swept from the face of the earth centuries ago, live to bless the 
world to-day. Achievements, locked in the buried ruins for ages, 



-7G— 
come forth to teach the men of this generation the beauties of sculplnre, 
the wonders of art and the sublime possibilities of man; so it was with 
the Old South. When the mountains ceased their swaying from the 
great commotion which convulsed all nature; when the deep mutterings 
of the cannon, like the echo of distant thimder, had died away; when 
the su.oke of battle bad gone up to form the clouds ancl to become the 
bearer of refrc-shing showers of life-giving vigor, instead of missiles of 
death; when the golden beams of sunlight began to kiss the mount- 
ain's side and to fade the crimson blood stains from the silent battle- 
fields; when the delicate vine began to twine about the blue and gray — 
torn from the valiant heroes in their hand to hand struggle witli sword 
and bayonet— and now beaten into the soil by the rain from heaven; 
when the beautiful flowers burst forth their little petals to kiss the golden 
down and to pour out their sweet odor to perfume the morning breeze; 
when the songs of birds made the shattered forests ring with sweetest 
melodies; when devoted matron and maid, turning from the new made 
graves, which they had baptized with their uubidden tears, catching the 
radiant splendor of nature's new attire sent a halo of light, a beam of 
hope, to the hearts of disconsolate and despairing sons and brothers, 
which rekindled in them the divine ambition of manhood; then it was 
that tlie Old South, bursting the bands of death and shaking off the 
fetters of the grave, came forth with a new body and a renewed spirit. 
tfjinunoning her best energies, stimulated by that divine element which 
supported our nob'e ancestors when they signed the Declaration of In- 
dependence and sustained them when they laid the foundations of this 
great Republic and sealed the heritage with their own precious blood, 
and which has made the name of Americans illustrious, and has placed 
its statesmen and warriors in the front ranks of the world's great and 
noble heroes. This noble spirit was kindled afresh in the hearts of fath- 
ers and sons, and they began under the most trying circumstances to lay 
the foundations of a New South which shall add greater lustre to tlie 
already glorious Ilepublic. 

The first fifteen years of the New South were spent in exploring, 
investigating, experimenting and adjusting. As a result she found that 



in her broad fields, which had hitherto been consecrated to the cotton 
phml, cereals, grasses and fruits of every variety, found a genial soil. 
In Georgia the melon crop alone now yields more than a million dollars 
per year. The largest peach orchard in the world is in that state, 
and from a single county in Georgia, which formerly imported all of its 
butter, is now shipping eacli year one hundred thousand pounds of 
Jersey butter. From Chattanooga, Tennessee, trains laden with choice 
strawberries, vegetables, grapes and peaches run to all the markets of 
the North and East. In Greene county large tracts of formerly non- 
productive, pine and chinquapin lands have been made to pay a hand- 
some return in the cultivation of tobacco. From eight hundred thousand 
to one million pounds of which are manufactured by the factories of 
Greeneville, while large quantities of leaf are sold annually both in the 
home and foreign markets. From every section of Tennessee daily 
shipments of poultry, eggs and live stock are made. In Middle and 
Western Tennessee farms, which had been exhausted in the production 
of cotton, now yield a profit of from $300 to $500 per acre in choice 
strawberries and peaches, which are shipped to the Northern markets. 
Liberty Flouring Mdls, of Nashville, Tenn., sold last year in the mar- 
kets of Europe, one hundred thousand barrels of flour. And Mr. An- 
drews, the Secretary of these mills, slates that the older members of the 
European trade who have bought wheat from Tennessee, consider it 
the best winter wheal grown. Florida produces over fifty varieties of 
the orange; the annual crop is about two hundred and fifty thousand 
boxKS. This state is also becoming noted as a successful pine apple 
producing section. Nine millions of pines were shipped from the In- 
dian River section to New York during the year 1898, besides what 
went to other American and European markets from this and other 
parts of the State. In Louisiana sugar and rice are important indus- 
tries; the crop for 1894 was the largest ever produced in that State. 

Recent experiments have proven that tiie Gulf Coast of Texas rivals 
California in the production of fruits, especially pears, peaches and 
strawberries. Fruits i ipen in this section three weeks earlier, and are one 
thousand miles nearer the principal markets. In Galveston, Charleston, 



—78— 
Savannah, Norfolk and other Southern ports ships are loaded with eajiy 
vegetables and fruits for the Eastern market. In fact, every section of 
this New Southland, is putting on a fresh attire and teeming with new 
industries. Here amid liiese hills and valleys, these mountains and plains, 
these gurgling springs anil crystal rivers, with gentle zephyrs from the 
Gulf and refreshing breezes from the mountains, lies the fairest domain 
of Gods beautiful earth. Here are centered the conditions for which 
men in ail ages have sought— a fertile soil and a perfect climate, which 
yield to the hu>bandmdn every product of the temperate zone. 

But no country can be truly prosperous which Is confined wholly 
to one' industry, even though that industry be agriculture. The South, 
highly favored as she is, with her inouoply of cotton, which has out- 
stripped every other f'tuple of the world in its manufacture and com- 
merce, her vast acreage of cereals and grasses, her vegetables and fruits, 
in demand in every market and her many products in which she is able 
to compete successfully in the markets of the world, even she cannot 
attain unto that excellency and dignity unto which she aspires and unto 
which she is destined — by agriculture alone. And why should she, 
when God has given unto her every facility of becoming a part of the 
greatest manufacturing and commercial district in the world? 

MANUFACTURING. 

Hitherto the product of the Southern cotton fields has gone to en- 
rich the sections beyond her own horizon. Prosperous cities have 
sprung up and great corporations have grown rich in the manufacture 
and exportation of this staple In the August, 1894, number of the North 
American Review, Hon. Hoke Smith, in writing of ' The Resources 
and Development of the South," after speaking of the advantages 
which exisr, in the South for the manufacture of her own cotton, adds 
that it]|would change the value of the crop grown annually from $800 - 
000,000 to $1,000,000,000. Hon. W. A McCorkle, Governor of West 
Virginia, appealing to the men of the South, uses these forceful words: 
"Men of the South, why should your cotton go to Fall River to be 
wrought into cloth? Thousands of you know of better water power, 
the very mist from whose falls moistens the bursting cotton bolls. 



—70- 
More than that, there is not a cotton field in the South more than twelve 
hours from the best coal in the world. By every canon of good business 
sense the smoke from our own manufactories should cloud our bright 
skies and tlie grime of our own chimneys should mingle witii the soil 
from which spring the" cotton boll, the hemp and the flax."' Grad- 
ually the young men of the South are learning to catch this great cur- 
rent of wealth at the edge of the cotton field and turn its enriching 
tiood back upon the fields of their own section. In 1804 the South, 
with its own mills consumed 800,000 bales; but this was hardly a be- 
ginning. The product of that year was 9,850,000 bales, which was 
nearly three-fourths of the entire cotton crop of the world. The ill us 
trious and lamented Henry W. Grady, who was one of the New South's 
greatest apostles of progress, gave through the New York Lodger m 
the last year of his life (1889) these remarkable figures: " Cotton is a 
plant worthy of homage. The soil has not yet given to the hand of 
man its equal. Let us see— this year's crop, 7 500 000 bales, will furn- 
ish 3,000,000,000 pounds of lint, which would clothe in a cotton suit 
every human being on earth, and yield to the Southern farmeis $350,- 
000,0!*0 in cash. The lint sold, there will be left 3,750,000 tons of 
seed. This will supply 150,000,000 gallons of oil, which, sold at forty 
cents per gallon will bring $60,000,000; or it may be reduced to lard, 
when it will produce 1,125,000,000 pounds of edible fat. This grease, 
healthful and nutritious, is equal in pounds to 5,250,000 hogs of 200 
pounds each. Allow 200 pounds of edible fat to one person per an- 
num, and this would keep in meat 5.025,000 citizens. But this won- 
derful plant is not yet exhausted; after the seeds are stripped of the 
lint and the oil pressed from the seed, there remain the hulls and the 
meal. Of each ton, the oil takes 250 pounds, leaving 1000 pounds of 
hull and 750 pounds of meal. This is unequalled as a fertilizer, of 
which we should have left 3,000,000 tons; but it is also the very best 
food for cattle or sheep. Fed to either it will first make meat or wool 
and then as animal manure go back to enrich the soil. Of stock food 
it will furnish 6,508,500,000 pounds— enough to stallfeed 1,175,000 
beeves for one year. These, in turn, would furnish meat for 0,000,000 



—so- 
more of people. . Such are some of the possibilities of this royal plant." 
Were Mr. Grady liviug today, he would be able to extend the list 
of the products of this wonderful plant. Large quantities of cotton 
seed oil were formerly shipped to Italy and France to be bottled as 
olive oil, and from there distributed throughout the world. The Ital- 
ian government has recently cut off the demand from that country by 
imposing a heavy import duly. The increased uses of the oil for other 
purposes has, however, compensated fortius loss. 

From this oil is now made: Summer yellow cotton seed oil, winter 
yellow cotton seed oil, summer white cotton seed oil, salad oil, miners' 
oil, blown oil, rape oil, sardine oil, a dye stuff, soap, adulterants of 
olive oil, adulterants of linseed oil, adulterants of castor oil, adulter- 
ants of lard oil, adulterants of sperm oil, cotton seed stearine (used to 
make candles and adulterate tallow), a basis of lard, a basis for cheese, 
coltolene (cotton seed oil and beef suet), a basis for medicinal ointment 
and a basis for butler. From the hulls is now manufactured a fiber 
which comes next to the best of linen in the quality of paper it pro- 
duces. The stalk produces an excellent fiber from which a good qual- 
ity of bagging is manufactured. 

There were in 1893 two hundred cotton seed mills in operation, 
which crushed 1,100.000 tons of seed — about one-half of the available 
crop— producing 45,000,000 gallons of oil, of which 11,131,500 gallons 
were exported. This industry in its various forms is adding annually 
more than forty millions of dollars to the wealth of the South. The 
American Cotton Oil Company, devoted exclusively to themanufticture 
of the various products of cotton seed, is one of the largest corpora- 
tions in the world. It owns seveiUy-lhree crude oil mills, (distributed 
throughout the country), fourteen refineries, four lard and coltolene 
plants, nine soap factories, fifteen cotton gins, four compressors and 
eight fertilizer mixing establishments. Its foreign headquarters are at 
Rotterdam. To expedite its business and to enable its shipments to be 
made at a minimum cost it has built a tank steamer to ply between 
New Orleans and Rotterdam. 



—SI- 
TIMBER. 

The South possesses untold wealth in her forests. Of the four huti- 
dred million acres of woodland in the United Slates, more than halt lies 
South of the Ohio River. The Southern States are the most heavily 
wooded section on the globe — forty one per centum of their area being 
in forests. It is estimated that there are eight hundred billions of feet 
of lumber now standing in the forests of the South, which is worth in 
its crude state, at present prices, ten billions of dollars. These forests 
embrace seventy-five varieties of valuable woods. The most important 
being pine, poplar, ash, cypress, walnut, oak, hickory, chestnut, cedar, 
maple and cherry. Louisiana and Fl rida also produce considerable 
quantities of mahogony, lignum vi(?e, mastic crab wood and other 
tropical woods. The South cannot afford to dispose of this vast wealth 
in Its crude stale; she is rapidly converting it into building materials, 
implements, furniture, etc., in her own mills, shops and factories. 
Thus its value is increased many times. 

IRON. 

Before the war the sleepy negro basked in the sunshine on the top 
of iron mines, whose value was not even suspecled. But the scene has 
changed. This hidden wealth has been uncovered and its value is being 
realized. The roar of the forge and the hum of industry are heard upon 
every hand, and old Pennsylvania trembles in her boots as she surveys 
her vigorous and daring rival. But the influence of this section is not 
confined to Pennsylvania. The revolution of the iron industry here 
being wrought, will be felt throughout the world, And the day is not 
far distant when Southern steel manufactured from Southern iron will 
be felt in like manner. The accessibility of iron ore, clo.se proximity of 
coal, facilities for transportation and cheap labor enable the Southern 
furnaces to manufacture iron and steel cheaper than can any other sec- 
tion. The South, therefore, will not only control the iron markets of 
the North, but of England as well. Mr, Abram S. Hewitt, who is 
largely interested in Southern furnaces, says of Alabama : " This will 
be a region of coke-made iron on a grander scale than has ever been wit- 
nessed on the habitable globe.'' 



-82- 

COAL. 

One third of the ooe hundred and ninety one thousand square 
miles of coal area in the United States is located in the South. The 
great value of this possession is seen by comparing it with that of Great 
Britain, whose coal measures, though only nine thousand square miles 
in extent, was, until recently, the largest coal producing section in the 
world. In the Southern Stales there are over sixty thou-and square 
miles of coal measures, or nearly seven times as much a** in Great 
Britain, and more than in Great Britain, Russia, Germany, France 
and Belgium ct)mbined. Within the last ten years the South has made 
great progress in utilizing this immense source of wealth. " In 1880 the 
output was three millions of tons. In 1890 it was twenty-five millions 
of tons, which was 50% more than was produced in the whole United 
States in 1860. This exhaustless and cheap supply of fuel will be a 
powerful factor in developing the manufacturing industries of the New 
South Experience has demonstrated that the Southern mines can and 
do produce coal cheaper than those of any other section of our country, 
and atone half the cost of those of Great Biitain. But to even men- 
tion, much less adequately describe the various resources of the South 
and her diversified industries, would over-tax the limits of this little 
volume. 

Of marble, Tennessee alone produces more than fifty varieties, 
while gold, silver, copper, lead, zinc, iron, coal, mica, phosphates, gyp- 
sum, salt and many other minerals are found in paying quantities in 
many sections of the South . 

The industrial development of the South is progressing quite rap- 
idly and satisfactorily. These enterprises represent the brain and 
capital of business men both iVTorth and Soutii, while English capitalists 
are largely interested in iron industries. In spite of the hard limes there 
were inaugurated in the South during 1893 two thousand five liundred 
and fifty-one new industries, most of which have continued their oper- 
ations during the panic and new industries have been added to the list 
each month. During the second quarter of 1895 (ending July 12th) 
there were reported as being inaugurated 664 new industries, which is 



—83— 
the largest number reported for one quarter since 1802. Within the 
hist six months, ending July 1st, 1895, great interest has been mani- 
fested in the establishment of textile mills in the South. The report 
shows that during this time 207 new cotton, woolen and knitting mills 
have been organized. Of the?e North Carolina having twenty 
nine and South Carolina twenty-live. Tho most satisfactory feature of 
this movement is that it is one that is being fostered and supj)orted 
largely by local capital and enterprise. 

The statisiics credit the Southern States with 412 cotton and 
woolen mills, the majority of which are owned by Southern men. Al- 
though most of these mills are small in comparison with those of New 
England, they have proven quite successful, and their capacity is being 
rapidly increased. 

Mr. Wm. E. Curtis, staff correspondent of the Chicago Record, 
writing from the South concerning the advantages of this section in 
the manufacture of cotton, says: 

"The average rate of wages paid mill operatives in Korth Carolina 
is $188 a \ear; in South Oarohna, $207; in Georgia, $225; in Alabama, 
$209; in Tennessee, $222. While in Massachusetts the operatives in 
similar mills receive an average of $344 a year. There is an average 
difference of one cent a pound in the price of cotton delivered at the 
mills in the South and in New England, which of itself represents from 
15 to 20 per cent, in the total cost of material. 

Coal, which is the principal fuel, can be purchased for from $2.00 
to $2,75 a ton in the mill centers of ihe South, while in Providence, 
Boston, Fall River, Portsmouth, N. H., and niher New England sea- 
ports, it costs from .$4 00 to $4 50 a ton. I am informed that there are 
two mills of equal capacity owned by the sa'me stockholders, one in 
South Carolina and the other in Massachusetts, where the difference in 
the cost of fuel last year was fGO.OOO; in labor, $72,000; in cotton, 
$108,000; while the value of products of each mill was about the same, 

" 'I'axes in the South on manufacturing industries are very low. 
Many factories are entirely exempt from taxation under inducements 
offered for location, while in Massachusetts they are very high and 



—84— 
represent a dividend of three quarters of one per cent, year after year. 

" A gentleman from Massachusetts tells me that a mill in which he 
is interested paid $00,000 a year taxation. He had found during bis 
tour through tlie South that similar mills in that section paid only a 
trifle — $3000 or $4000. The difference would cover all insurance, clerk 
hire and other expenses of administration. 

" But," continues Mr. Curtis, "everybody seems to agree that the 
absence of labor organizations in the Soutii and restrictive legislation 
is the most important advantage the mill men of that section enjoy," 

This is, indeed, a very important item. The Southern white la- 
borer is far more reliable and etficient when developed and is more 
amenable to discipline than the foreigners who constitute the majority 
of operatives in the Northeru mills The colored laborer, though not 
quite so skillful and apt, is quite as faithful and trustworthy. 

Strikes in llie South are by no means as frequent as in the North 
and East. The ratio within the last few years has been that of one to 
four in favor of the South. 

COMMEUOE 

Previous to 1S()0 the harbors of ihe South were crowded with ves- 
sels, which laden with her products went forth upon every sea to dis- 
tribute her treasures in all lands Charleston alone shipped more pro- 
duce than the. ports of New York and New England combined. 

Under the dark war cloud these Southern harbors were closed. 
The enterprising men of the Northeast transferred the mouth of the 
Mississippi to the bay of New York, and made the current of the Am- 
azon to flow into the harbor of Boston. Id their [poverty and embar- 
rassment the Southern people were compelled to allow these great 
channels to thus continue enriching another section at t4ie expense of 
their own. These wise old men of the South and their worthy sons 
have not. as some one has fal.sely said, been idly looking out from their 
broken porticoes, like the Hidalgoes of Spiin — watching in vain for 
the return of their lost "Armada," but in sunshine and storm, in the 
face of obstacles hard to surmount, they are building an Armada more 



—85— 
invincible. The iiudertaking is a large oae and tbe means are not ade- 
quate, but by patient endeavor the work is pr.)gressing. 

The first need was deei)er water-ways to meet the demands of larger 
sea vessels. The forces of nature had blocked the mouth of her great 
river system. Olher harbors were found to be inadequate. Jellies 
must be built and cliaunels deepened. This work is being accom- 
plished by the government aided by the contributions of enterprising 
capitalists. 

Next was railroad facilities. In order to gather up the cotton, 
grain, fruits, and other commodities for export., and to disti'ibute goods 
imported there must be lines of communication with the great trade 
centers and the inierior districts. The great Northern lakes, the Erie 
canal and our great trunk lines of railroad had hitherto directed com- 
merce toward the Northeastern ports. Although the Southern harbors 
are hundreds of miles nearer the chief centers of agricultural and min- 
eral products than are Boston, New York, or Philadelphia; and also in 
more direct line with foreign ports they were not in a situation to com- 
mand trade without railroad facilities. For the past ten year? great 
improvement has been made in this regard. <yOnneclions have been 
made between a number of these ports and Chicago, !St. Louis and 
other trade centers, whde branch line« are being extended into the in- 
terior in all directions. Between Baltimore, Md., and Corpus Christi, 
Texas, the Southern States have twenty seven ports of entry, at least 
two-thirds of which are destined to become centers of commerce. 

Another difficulty to be overcome was facilities for handling 
freighi— unloading cars, conveyins: to the docks and loading ship. Com- 
modious warehouses, elevatois, &c , were lacking. To provide them 
required capital. Again patient industry and little means was com- 
pelled to do double da'y t) tn^et thes ; uri:ent deminds. 

During the period between 1890 and 1898 our import trade through 
these Southern ports increased twenty-five per cent. The increase in 
our export trade for this period for the Utdted States as a whole 
amounted lo $172 41-9.271 Of this increase $91,875,801 'worth was 
shipped through S.mtheru ports; $82,572,050 worth was shipped 
through the other ports of the Union. 



—86— 
Thus it appenis that the increase of exports through Southern 
ports was $9,li01,!)5() more than in all the other ports of the Union. 
This increase is due to the fact that the West shipped through these 
Southern ports during this period eighty-tive million dollars worth of 
breadstuff, thirteen niiliion dollars worth of meats and six million dol- 
lars worth of cattle, mnking a total of one hundred and four million 
dollars. 

The shrewd men of the West are beginning to see the advantage of 
shipping their produce through these more direct ports of the South 
rather than by the long and circuitous routes of the East Such a com- 
mercial alliance must ultimately result in great good to the people of 
both these sections 

Hon, W. A. McCorkle, Governor of West Virginia, in a recent ar- 
ticle in the Southern Tradesman says in regard to tliis union: "There' 
is a great market which is the patrimony and which should be under 
the absolute control of the South and the West. The nearest route 
thereto is through the Southern Atlantic ports. Flere is to us a greater 
and m(M'e accessible market than P^uiope, and we should tolerate therein 
no trademen save our own. Everything — its vast and varied pro- 
ducts, its nearness to us, the eternal laws of trade, the very winds and 
currents of the sea deniand that the South and W est should dominate 
this market. For us not to do so is to sell our birthright for a mess of 
pottage. The broad bosom of the inter-American sea should only bear 
American sails and its waters should only be vexed by American keels. 
By controlling this market we shall have a trade territory within whose 
limits the sun is always ripening the growing grain, where in the provi- 
dence of nature the gentle rain is ever falling to refresh the land and 
where the frosts of winter are constantly mellowing tiie earth foi' the 
husbaiuimen. For this rich Southern market the economy of nature 
has provided all things for which man in all ages has sought. That 
economy has wisely left out a place for the workshop in the South 
American laud and has y:iven to us of the Northern Continent its hii>h- 
est development. Here, merchants Jof the South and West, are em- 
pires for trade and kingdoms for gain. Xever had merchants spread 



—87— 
before their eyes more alluring fields for commerce. Here are all cli- 
mates, all soils and all zones. Here are illimitable plains of rich and 
alluvial lands, houndless forests of rich and ornamental woods, moun- 
tains of copper ore and quicksilver, mines of gold, silver and lead, 
diamonds and precious stones, dyes, rich spices, rare gems, indigo, 
quinine, drugs, wool, hides, fiber, India rubber, coffee, sugar, cocoa, 
tobacco and fruits. 

" In studying this great question a few days since 1 was amazed to 
learn from Commodore Maura}'-, that great master of ocean currents, 
what the laws of nature have done to aid commeicial trade between 
South America and the Southern and Middle Atlantic ports of our 
coniinent The Amazon is the great river outlet for South America as 
the Mississippi is the outlet for Central North America, The great re- 
ceptacle for these rivers is the basin of the Gulf of Mexico aud the 
Carribcan Sea The equatorial current and the gulf stream make the 
real mouth of the Amazon, just outside of the southern coast of the 
United States. By the influence of the Gulf Stream a vessel sailing 
from the mouth of the Amazon to Europe must pass by the shores of 
of the Southern States and through the waters of the Southern ports. 
With the opening of the Nicdragu-i Oaual across the Isthtnus the 
whole commerce of the North and of Europe must pass right by the 
Southern Atlantic ports to get to China or the East Indies By reason 
of the Trade Winds and currents of the Atlantic these ports ir.ust be 
half-way houses from the Gulf to New Yoi-k, to E urope and to the 
ports of Africa, South America aud India." 

One of the greatest difficulties now in the way of our foreign trade 
is a want of ships to carry our freight. We should have lines of fast 
freight steamers plying between our Southern port-; and South America 
and the West Indies. These lines should receive such subsidies from 
our government as will enable them to compete successfully with 
English and German lines which receive such subsidies from their 
governments. These lines now carry freights three times the distance 
we have to pass for less than one-third the rate our vessel* are com- 
pelled to charge Their producers and manufacturers are thus able 
to control this trade, which ought to'belonff to us. 



—88— 
Another market now being opened to us is Ihat of Mexico and 
Central America. A new era of development is beginning in those 
countries, and they are even now calling for our coal, coke, iron, steel, 
farming implements, machinery, textile antl other products. This 
trade should be encouraged by all possible means. Our manufacturers 
and merchants should study assiduously their wants and employ all 
legitimate means of supplying them. 

THE ARENA OF FUTURE INDUSTRY. 

Within the near future the great empire of the world's manufactur- 
ing must be located in the South and the West. The great abundance 
of raw materia], cheapness of fuel, advantages of chniate and locality, 
inexhaustible water power and superior facilities for transportation must 
make this regi(m the arena of the world's great activities. To quote the 
stirring language of Gen. E. P. Alexander : " There is not elsewhere 
upon the globe a territory open to the Anglo-Saxon race with such 
varied and great resources and such propitious conditions of life and 
labor; so abundantly supplied with rivers and harbors and with lines of 
railroad transportation, or so well located to command the commerce of 
both hemispheres. The prophecy of what the people will make of these 
advantages in the struggle for commercial supremacy among the nations 
of the world is but faintly written in what has already been done under 
adverse conditions by each section working alone. Now their united 
strength will be brought to bear upon the easiest part of the problem. 
The most progressive race on earth, the leaders of the world in science, 
in invention, in energy, in wealth and in enterprise will here develop 
the greatest material resources under the most favorable conditions 
possible." 

Such a eulogy from so worthy a source must stir the noblest am- 
bition in the heart of every inhabitant of these high)}'- favored sections. 
Snrely the hand of Providence, with lavish kindness, has opened to us 
the greatest opportunity ever enjoyed by any people. We are not only 
'the richest people in the world in natural resources, but we have the 
very best facilities for developing and distributing our treasures abroad. 
To us is open a highway both to the Occident and the Orient, while 



— so- 
South America, Mexico and the islands of the sea wait to pour into our 
coffers their richest treasures in excliani^e for the products of our indus- 
tries. If our wheat languish upon the Eastern exchange let us convert 
it into breadstuff and send it out to feed the nations of the world. If 
our cotton decline upon the market, let us manufacture it into cloth 
and send it abroad to clothe the human race 

We possess every means, resource and condition to make us a suc- 
cessful and prosperous people. The E;ist has grown rich througli man- 
ufacturing and commerce. These same articles tiie South, and the West 
can manufacture cheaper and to better advantage than can she, while 
a more direct route to the markets of the W(>rld lies through our own 
channels. When I refer to the South and the West, I do uoi mean to he 
partisan or unpatriotic God forbid that geographical lines or party 
sectionalism should ever again disturb the tranquility of our uition. 
Every true American glories in the prosperity of New England. She 
was the home of the Puritans, the foster-mother of popular education, 
and the cradle of liberty and patriotism. We cherish the memory of 
her noble deeds and honor the men who achieved them. Hul New 
England is only a part of our national domain. Her prospeiity and 
industry cannot suffice for the whole nation. Each section has its own 
peculiar resources and advantages which it must develop and improve 
if the full measure of our national independence and prosperity is to be 
realized. 

THE TYPICAL AMERICAN. 

Upon the broad prairies of the West, with their teeming herds of 
cattle and fields of waving grain, sheltered by their lofty mountains 
draped in their spotless garments of eternal snow, and holding within 
their bosoms rich and exhaustless treasures; and amid the fertile valleys 
of the sunny Southland, white with fleecy cotton or golden with ripen- 
ing grain, fanned by gentlest zephyrs, laden with the perfume of fruits 
and flowers; within these two sections, bound together by the common 
ties of commerce and trade, shall be located the theater of the world's 
greatest achievements Here at last shall be realized the fond dream of 
American independence and the acme of her glory. Here shall be born 
the typical American citizen. 



—00— 

From t!jo mitigling of the hhwid of Puritan and Cavalier shall be 
born a race^ superior to cither, with broader idei'J, more comprehensive 
vision, deeper insight and more generou-s natuie, by whom achieve- 
ments liitherto impossible may be easily wrought. Of this future 
American Professor Woodrovv Wilson, of Princeton College, says: 

" We shall not in the futan; liave to take one type of Americanism 
at a time The frontier is gone— it has reached the Pacific. The 
country grows rapiilly homogeneous. With the same face it grows va- 
riou'* and multiform in hU its life. The man of the simple or local 
type cannot a.iy longer deal in a great manner vviih any national prob- 
lem The great men of the future mu«t be <>f the cotTiposite type of 
greatness, sound hearted, hopeful, confident of the validity of liberty, 
tenacious of the deeper principles of xliuericin institutions — but the 
<ld rashness schooled ami sobered and instincts tempered by instruction. 
They must be wise with an adult, not an adolescent wisdom, >ome 
d 'y we shall be (►f one mind, our ideas tixe<l, our purposes harmonized, 
our nationality complete and consentaneous, then will come our great 
literature and our greatest men This era will be hastened or retarded 
by the conducr. ofihis generation. If sectional prejudice and jealousies 
are indulged, and political strife kept burning, 1< gislation will be hand 
icapped, commerce and industry embarrassed and national greatness 
made impossil)le. If, on the otlier hand, we all agree that each section 
i-i a part of our national domain and a prime factor in the government, 
and therefore entitled to equal protection; that if one be afflicted all 
must suffer; that in the development of each can the highest interest of 
a'l be secured — th(;n, indeed, shall the emblem of our nation triumph- 
antly wave * o'er the laud of the free aud the home of the brave.'" 



COLORADO 

AND . . . 

AH Points West 



Reached 
Comfortabiy 
Cheaply 

And 
Quickly 




SllNTJl PE 
ROUTE 

St. Louis 
Chicago 
Kansas City. 

Pullman Sleepers. Free Reclining Chairs. 

Information and literature furnished and rates quoted by 

ED. P. 8IS80N. General Passenger Jgenl, 

1 19 W. 9th St. (Read House Block) CHATTANOOQA, TENN. 



I 



